their uniforms, and a large number of citizens. In the evening the houses of the inhabitants were brilliantly illuminated. A day was fixed, soon after his arrival, for his taking the oath of office. It was in the following words: "I do solemnly swear, that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States; and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States." On this occasion he was wholly clothed in garments of American manufacture.

In the morning, the different congregations assembled in their respective places of worship, and offered up prayers for the President and people of the United States. About noon, a procession moved from the President's house to Federal Hall. When they came within a short distance of the hall, the troops formed a line on both sides of the way, through which, accompanied by the Vice-President, Mr. John Adams, Washington passed into the senate chamber. Immediately after, with the two houses of Congress, he went into a gallery fronting on Broadstreet, and, before an immense throng of citizens, took the oath prescribed by the constitution. It was administered by Mr. Livingston, the chancellor of the state of New-York. A solemn silence prevailed during the ceremony. The chancellor then proclaimed him President of the United States. This was answered by the discharge of cannon, and the joyful shouts of assembled thousands. The President bowed most respectfully to the people, and retired to the senate chamber in the midst of their acclamations.

After delivering an address to Congress and receiving their reply, the President attended divine service in their company. In the evening there was a very ingenious and brilliant exhibition of fireworks. A transparent painting was displayed, in the centre of which was the portrait of the President, represented under the image of Fortitude. On his right hand was Justice, and on his left Wisdom; emblematic of the Senate and House of Representatives. Thus concluded the ceremonies of the first presidential inauguration.

When Washington commenced his administration, the situation of the United States was highly critical. There were no funds in the treasury, and large debts were due upon every side. The party in opposition to the new constitution was numerous, and several members of this party had been elected to seats in the new Congress. Two of the states for a while refused to accept the constitution, and were, consequently, beyond the reach of its power. The relations of the general government with foreign nations were very unsettled. Animosities raged with considerable violence between the United States and Great Britain. Each charged the other with a violation of the late treaty of peace. Difficulties occurred with Spain in respect to the navigation of the Mississippi, and the boundaries of the states towards the Spanish territories in the South. Fifteen hundred of the northern Indians were at open war with the United States; the Creeks in the southwest, who could bring six thousand fighting men into the field, were at war with Georgia,

Congress having organized the great departments of government. it became the duty of the President to designate proper persons to fill them.

Washington looked round with care and impartiality to fill these posts to his own satisfaction, and to that of the people. He accordingly placed Colonel Hamilton at the head of the Treasury department; General Knox in the department of War; Mr. Jefferson at the head of the department of Foreign Affairs; and Mr. Edmund Randolph in the office of Attorney General.

It was among the first measures of Washington to make peace with the Indians, and commissioners were appointed for this purpose. General Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and Colonel Humphreys, were deputed to treat with the Creek nation. They met M'Gillivray, their chief, with other chiefs, and about two thousand of the tribe, at Rock Landing, on the Oconee, on the frontiers of Georgia. The negotiation was suddenly broken off by M'Gillivray, on the pretence of a dispute about the boundaries, but in reality, through the influence of the Spanish government. A second mission proved more successful. A number of the Creek chiefs were induced to visit New-York, where a conference was held, and a treaty soon established. The attempt to effect a peace with the Indians of the Wabash and the Miamies, did not terminate with like success. In consequence of this, the President, in September, 1791, despatched General Harmer into the Indian territories, with orders to destroy their settlements on the waters of the Scioto and Wabash. This general was defeated, as was also Major General St. Clair. The final conquest of these tribes was effected in 1794, by General Wayne; and soon after that event, a peace was concluded between the Indians and the United States.

By skilful and prudent management, all the difficulties with Spain were amicably settled; but much greater difficulties stood in the way of a peaceful adjustment of controversies with Great Britain. In the first years of his Presidency, Washington took informal measures to ascertain the views of the British cabinet respecting the United States. This business was intrusted to Mr. Governeur Morris, who conducted it with great ability, but found no disposition to accede to the wishes of our government. In two years from that time, the British, of their own accord, sent their first Minister to the United States, and the President, in return, nominated Mr. Thomas Pinckney as the Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Great Britain.

About this time war commenced between France and Great Britain. The correct and mature judgment of Washington immediately decided that the proper position of the United States was that of perfect neutrality. A strong disposition existed in the people to favor the cause of France. The benefits that had been conferred upon them by that gallant nation during the revolutionary struggle were fresh in their remembrance. A feeling still existed of resentment towards England, for the oppression which had led to the war, and the miseries that attended it. To compel the observance of neutrality, under these circumstances, was a task that required all the influence and popularity of Washington. Motions were made in Congress for sequestrating debts due to British subjects; to enter into commercial hostility with Great Britain, and even to interdict all intercourse with her till she pursued other measures with respect to the United States. Every thing threatened immediate war. In this

state of affairs, the President, in April, 1794, nominated John Jay, Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of Great Britain. By this measure an adjustment of the points in dispute between the two nations was happily effected, and the result of the mission was a treaty of peace.

This was pronounced by Mr. Jay to be the best that was attainable, and one which he believed it for the interest of the United States to accept. While this treaty was under the consideration of the Senate, a copy of it was furnished to the editor of a newspaper, in violation of the laws of that body. The publication of this document at once rekindled the smothered passions of the people, and meetings were held in all the large cities, to pronounce the treaty unworthy of acceptance and to petition the President to refuse his signature to so obnoxious an instrument. These agitations were naturally the source of much anxiety to Washington, but they did not cause him to swerve for a moment from the true path of his duty. He regretted that the treaty was so generally unpopular, but determined to ratify it, as the only alternative with war. His policy was always peace, if it can be preserved with honor. In a letter to General Knox, he observes on this subject: "Next to a conscientious discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me the approbation of my constituents, would be the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible. But the latter being secondary, I cannot make the former yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible than partial (if they are not party) meetings, can be discovered as the touchstone of public sentiment. If any person on earth could, or the Great Power above would, erect the standard of infallibility in political opinions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, so long as I remain a servant of the public. But as I have hitherto found no better guide than upright intentions, and close investigation, I shall adhere to them while I keep the watch."

Difficult as it was to decide upon the proper policy to be pursued towards England, it was even more embarrassing in respect to France The attachment to the French interests was much increased by the arrival of M. Genet, the first Minister Plenipotentiary from the republic of France to the United States. Encouraged by the indications of good wishes for the success of the French revolution, this gentleman undertook to authorize the fitting and arming of vessels, enlisting men, and giving commissions to vessels to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the United States were at peace. The British minister complained against these proceedings, and the American government disapproved of them. Still, however, the people continued enthusiastic in the cause of their old allies. At civic festivals, the ensigns of France were displayed in union with those of America, the cap of liberty passed from head to head, and toasts were given expressive of the fraternity of the two nations. To preserve neutrality at such a crisis was a matter of much difficulty, but Washington resolved, at every hazard, to adhere to the principle that the United States would hold all mankind enemies i war, and friends in peace. He at length decided to request the recall of M. Genet, and soon had the satisfaction to learn that the course this gentleman had pursued was entirely disapproved by his own government

The successors of Genet followed in his steps, but with less violence. With a view to reconcile all difficulties, Washington appointed Genera Pinckney, Minister Plenipotentiary to the French republic. From this mission he anticipated an adjustment of all points in dispute, but the Directory announced their haughty determination not to receive another Minister from the United States, until after a redress of grievances which the French republic had a right to expect from the American government.

Before the result of the mission was known, Washington had ceased to be President of the United States. Having served through eight years of doubt and difficulty, and having brought all the affairs of great public interest into a fair train for equitable adjustment, and being far advanced in life, he announced his intention of declining a re-election in full time for the people to fix upon a successor. His resignation was announced to the people of the United States, in an address which every true lover of his country must be willing to adopt as his political text book. The following passages speak with peculiar force to us at all periods of political and sectional excitement:

"The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it, accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

"For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts-of common dangers, sufferings, and successes." "To the efficacy and per manency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable

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No alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed; adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation; completely free in its principles; in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendments, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish a government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government."

"Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration I am unconscious of intentional error; I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects, not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life, dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

"Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government-the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. "UNITED STATES, September 17, 1796."

This valedictory address was received in every part of the Union with the most unbounded admiration. Shortly after its promulgation, the President met the National Legislature in the senate chamber for the last time. His address on the occasion touched upon the most important topics that were then in agitation. In the course of it he recommended the establishment of national works for manufacturing implements of defence; of an institution for the improvement of agriculture; and pointed out the advantages of a military academy, of a national university; and the necessity of augmenting the salaries of the officers of the United States. He concluded in the following words:

"The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of