PREFATORY LETTER

TO SIR THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON, BART.

Earlham, 17th 9th mo. 1840.

MY DEAR BUXTON,

In returning home, after an absence of more than three years, spent chiefly in a gospel mission to parts of North America and the West Indies, I have felt peculiar pleasure and satisfaction in my reunion with thyself. From our very early years have we been bound together in the ties of friendship and brotherhood; and, while we have agreed in almost all our sentiments, I have long considered it a privilege to assist in promoting those great objects, which have occupied thy attention in public life. Although so far separated from thee, of latter time, I have watched thy proceedings for the benefit of Africa, with the deepest interest. I consider it to be a happy circumstance that the absence of parliamentary duties has afforded thee so ample an opportunity for unravelling and recording the woes of that most afflicted quarter of the globe, and for developing a system of remedial measures, which ought, as I think, to obtain the approbation and assistance of all good men, whatsoever their sect, party, or nation. In making this remark, I have no allusion. to the advice which thou hast thought proper to offer to our government, respecting the strengthening of the naval force on the coast of Africa, and the protection by arms of any colonies which may be planted on that continent. Although I agree with

thee in the opinion, that these measures class under the head of an armed police, rather than under that of offensive or defensive warfare, yet they are points in which, for my own part, I feel conscientiously restrained from taking any part. In the mean time these points are under the sole care of government, and cannot interfere (as it appears to me) with the claims of the African Civilization Society, on the christian public.*

* There is a third particular connected with Sir T. F. Buxton's views for the benefit of Africa, which is under the sole care and responsibility of Government—I mean the proposed expedition to the Niger. From Lord John Russell's admirable official letter on this subject, it appears that three iron steam vessels are appointed to be sent up that river, with commissioners on board, whose duty it will be to form treaties with the African chiefs and powers, for the suppression of the slave trade, and for the establishment of legitimate commercial relations between Africa and Great Britain. While this object must meet with the cordial approbation of every Christian philanthropist, there is one circumstance connected with the expedition, which stands directly opposed to my own views, and those of many others who wish well to the undertaking: it is that these vessels (as in all similar expeditions sent out by Government) are, to a certain extent, armed for the purpose of protection.

Lord John Russell's letter is dated "26th December, 1839." The Society for the Civilization of Africa, instituted about six months afterwards, cordially approves and encourages the general object herein pursued by Government. In its printed circular, the Society, amongst other things, proposes "to cooperate by every means in its power with the Government expedition to the Niger; to report its progress-assist its operations-circulate the valuable information it may communicate; and generally to keep alive the interest of Great Britain in the suppression of the slave trade, and the welfare of Africa.” Now the very word cooperate" seems to point out the action of independent parties, united in the pursuit of a common object. While the Society confines the above mentioned cooperation and assistance, to matters purely pacific (as has hitherto been strictly the case) it seems to me to stand on a safe ground. It cannot, as I apprehend, be fairly considered responsible for a collateral circumstance, distinctly disapproved by some of its members, which it has done nothing to promote, and which belongs exclusively to the independent action of Government.

66

This Society maintains its own independence, not only as it relates to Government, but as it regards all associations formed for the respective

But I can cordially unite with thee first, in thy advice to our rulers to enter into friendly treaties for the suppression of the slave trade, and for other pacific purposes, with the native powers of Africa; and secondly, in the whole of thy noble plan for the establishment of commercial and agricultural relations with that benighted region, and for the extension of civilization, education, and above all Christianity, among its wretched inhabitants. This plan appears to me to be better adapted than any other which has yet been attempted, for two great purposes-first, for the final suppression of the slave trade- that monstrous and intolerable scourge of our race and secondly, for the raising of Africa to a participapation in all those rich temporal and spiritual blessings, which we are ourselves enjoying. When the African princes are practically instructed in the utter impolicy and folly of the present system, they will no longer bring human creatures to the market, instead of the produce of human labor. They will soon discover that their desire for articles produced or manufactured in Europe, can be gratified to an almost infinitely greater extent than it is at present, by their availing themselves at home of the capabilities of their soil, and of the well rewarded industry of the population. as the people themselves come to understand the benefits of commerce, agriculture, education, and religion, they will soon present

And

"The

purposes of trade, colonization, and Christian missions. The following paragraph, in the prospectus, explains the views of its founders. present Society can take part in no plan of Colonization or of Trade. ITS OBJECTS ARE AND MUST BE EXCLUSIVELY PACIFIC AND BENEVOLENT; but it may by encouragement, and by the diffusion of information, most materially aid in the civilization of Africa, and so pave the way for the successful exertions of others, whether they be directed to colonization and the cultivation of the soil, or to commercial intercourse, or to that which is immeasurably superior to them all, the establishment of the Christian faith on the continent of Africa." As long as the Society in question maintains this simple and unexceptionable ground, so long (in my opinion) its claims on the support of Christians of every denomination are clear and unquestionable.

a firm moral phalanx against the aggressions of a shameless cupidity abroad, and a reckless violence in their own country.

The plan truly is comprehensive, and the work indefinitely large, nor can we conceal from ourselves, that the obstructions to it are at once numerous and formidable. But we must enter upon that work and pursue it, in simple dependence on our Father who is in heaven. "Of one blood" has he made "all nations ;" and on all men has he bestowed those equal and inalienable rights-" life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Doubtless the time will come when these rights shall be universally acknowledged; and when justice, mercy, and peace shall triumph over all their enemies. Till then we must not cease to labor in the cause of the oppressed, and to remember them in our humble and fervent petitions, when we are enabled to draw near to the throne of grace.

Before I leave this subject, there is one point which requires to be mentioned. I am glad to observe, that the motto of the African Civilization Society, with regard to commerce, is Free Trade, and with regard to agriculture, Free Labor. The prevalence, in Africa, of domestic slavery, is a circumstance greatly to be deplored; and it will not only become our duty to present to the attention of her people, on her own territory, patterns of free agriculture, and visible proofs of its advantage; but, in our communications with persons of influence on that continent, we must never forget to direct our advices and remonstrances against slavery, as well as against the slave trade. We have the two objects before us of developing the resources of the soil of Africa, and of raising the native mind. Were we to pursue the former object alone, though the exportation of the African would be prevented, his bonds at home might, in many cases, be strengthened. But if the raising of the native mind be kept steadily in view-if it be faithfully pursued in all our transactions-I fully believe that the society will work well for the discouragement and

final extinction not only of the African slave trade, but of African domestic slavery. At the same time, I rejoice in the existence of a sister institution, which occupies itself with the simple and comprehensive object of promoting the abolition of slavery throughout the world. As it relates to the slave trade, this institution aims at undermining it, by destroying the market for slaves in the Western world—an attempt which perfectly harmonizes with the corresponding endeavor, to cut off the supply of slaves, by improving and civilizing Africa. Neither operation can, in my opinion, be spared-both ought to be strenuously supported. For my own part, I am prepared heartily to unite with the African Civilization Society, in its admirable plans for the benefit of that continent; and equally so with the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society, in its enlarged efforts against the curse of slavery, under whatsoever circumstances, and in whatsoever part of the world, that curse may be found.

The following letters, addressed to Henry Clay of Kentucky, were carried through the press before I left America. On our return from the West Indies to the United States, my companions and myself spent ten days in the city of Washington, while Congress was in Session. We found no difficulty in obtaining private interviews with the President, the Secretaries of the different departments of government, and many of the most influential members of Congress of both parties. To these gentlemen we related the principal particulars of our West Indian tour, and stated the evidence with which we had been furnished, of the beneficial working of freedom among the negroes of the West Indies, in a pecuniary, civil, and moral point of view. Our narration was listened to with great attention, and by no individual more so than by Henry Clay of Kentucky. Notwithstanding the conspicuous part which that statesman has of late years taken in defence of the slavery of the United States, we had abundant proof, that his mind is not steeled against a lively feeling of