our con

[and]

that in the extremity of winter, forcing him to betake himselfe into the vast wilderness to sit down amongst the Indians. And we plainly perceiving . . . their doctrine was bent onely to maintain . . . outward forme of worship, sciences could not close with them in such their practices, which they perceiving, denyed us the common benefit of the Country; even so much as a place to reside in, proceeded against us, as they had done to others, . . . [with] confinements, imprisonments, chains, fines, whippings, and banishment... in extremity of winter. [W]hereupon we were constrained with the hazard of our lives to betake ourselves into a part of the Country called the Nanhyganset [Narraganset] Bay, buying severall parcels of Land from the Indians there inhabiting; and sat down in, and neer the place where Master Roger Williams was ; but when they perceived those parts to be a refuge, for such as were oppressed and grieved amongst themselves, .. then they went about to bring those parts to be under their jurisdictions, . sent up . . one Captain Cooke . . . who actually assaulted, and .. Countrymen.. . . [Our] wives and chilaffrighted and scattered and divers [We were] carried captive . . . to . . . [and our] goods, cattle, houses, and plan[We] are set apart as a for

.

besieged our

dren . .

were

since are dead.

Massachusetts

tations were seized upon.

lorne people in the eyes of and by the world. . .

b. Connecticut:

Governor Winthrop: The Settlement of Connecticut (Extracts from Winthrop's “Journal," 1631-1636).

July 12, 1633. "[The] governour of Plimouth

came

to confer about joining in a trade to Connecticut, for beaver and hemp . . [and] to prevent the Dutch, who were about to build one [a trading house]; but . we thought not fit to meddle with it."

Sept. 4, 1633. “John Oldham, and three with him, went ever land to Connecticut, to trade.

October, 1633. "The company [colony] of Plimouth sent

5. Peter Force, Historical Collections, IV, No. 6, pp. 11-12, 18-19, 61, 106.

a bark to Connecticut When they came, they found the Dutch had built there, and did forbid the Plimouth men to proceed; but they set up their house notwithstanding, about a mile above the Dutch. . . ." May, 1634. "Those of Newtown complained of . . . want of land, especially meadow, and desired leave to look out either for enlargement or removal, which was granted. . . Sept. 4, 1634. " "... the maine business . . . was about

to erect a trading house there.

. . to Connecticut. This matter

.

the removal of Newtown was debated divers days. The principal reasons for their removal were, 1. Their want of accommodation for their cattle . . . [because] towns were set so near each to other. 2. The fruitfulness and commodiousness of Connecticut, and the danger of having it possessed by others, Dutch or English. 3. The strong bent of their spirits to remove thither. Against these it was said, 1. That . . . they ought not to depart from us, being knit to us in one body. 2. That . . . we ought not to give them leave to depart weak and in danger of being assailed

...

[since we were] now

.

[and we] should

expose them to evident peril, both from the Dutch . . . and Indians. . . . 3. They might be accommodated at home by some enlargement which other towns offered. . . . [On] the 24th the court met again. . . . Mr. Cotton preached. And it pleased the Lord so to assist him . . . that Newtown came and accepted of such enlargement as [was] offered them by Boston and Watertown; and so the fear of their removal to Connecticut was removed."

March, 1635. "Watertown and Roxbury had leave to remove whither they pleased, so as they continued under this government. The occasion for their desire to remove was, for that all towns in the bay began to be much straitened by their own nearness to one another, and their cattle being so much increased."

down at Connecticut, near the Plimouth trading house. Oct. 15, 1635. "About sixty men, women, and little children went by land toward Connecticut with their cows, horses, and swine.

Mar. 31, 1636. "Mr. Hooker, pastor of the church of New

town, and the most of his congregation, went to Connecticu ; and they drove one hundred and sixty cattle, and fed of their milk by the way." "

C. New Haven:

Captain Edward Johnson: The Planting of the Colony of New Haven, 1637 (from Johnson's "Wonder Working Providence"). ". . . the honoured Mr. Eaton . . accompanied with many worthy persons, . . although they would willingly have made their abode under the government of Mattachusets; yet could they finde no place upon the sea-coast for their settling the Lord intending to enlarge his peoples border, caused them, after much search, to take up a place somewhat more southwardly. . . . Here did these godly and sincere servants of Christ gather into church estate, and called to the office of a Pastor the reverend, judicious, and godly Mr. Davenport. . . . This church and town soon procur'd some sisters [other towns] to take part with her, and among them they erected a godly and peaceable Government, and called their frontier towne New-haven, most minding the end of her [their] coming hither, to keep close to the rule of Christ both in Doctrine and Discipline.

d. New England about 1640:

Governor Bradford: War with the Pequot Indians, 16361637 (Extracts from Bradford's "History of Plymouth Plantation"). ". . . this year [1636], John Oldom [Oldham], . . . an inhabitant of the Massachusetts . . . trading into these south parts, upon a quarell betweene him and the Indeans was cut off by them. This, with the . . . death of Stone, moved them [the English of Massachusetts] take revenge and require satisfaction

to

; but it was done

6. James Savage, Winthrop's History of New England (edition 1853)

I, parts of 125-223.

7. A. B. Hart, Contemporaries, I, 414-415.

lish at Conightecute [Connecticut] . . . and slew sundry c them. In the mean time, the Pequeuts .. sought to make peace with the Narigansets, and used very pernicious arguments to move them thereunto; as that the English were strangers and begane to overspread their countrie, and would deprive them thereof in time. . . . But . . . they [the Naragansets] resolved to joyne with the English. . . . From Connightecute . . they sett out a partie of men . . . and an other partie met them from the [Massachusetts] Bay. They approached . . . and surrounded [The Pequot fort]

and

shott at and grapled with them; others

assaulted them with great courage. . [Some] brought out fire [and] all was quickly on a flame. . . Those [Pequots] that escaped the fire were slaine with the sword. It was conceived they thus destroyed about 400 at this time. It was a fearful sight to see them thus frying in the fyer, and the streams of blood quenching the same. . . . The rest of the Pequeuts were wholly driven from their place.

998

Thomas Lechford: Things I Misliked in New England (from his "Plain Dealing or News from New England, 1641"). "I doubt whether so much time should be spent in the publique Ordinances on the Sabbath day; . . . whether so much time should be spent in . . . catechizing those that are admitted to the communion of the church ... or that they should make long speeches; . . whether any of our Nation that is not extremely ignorant or scandalous, should be kept from the Communion, or his children from Baptisme. That many thousands of this Countrey have forgotten the very principles of daily taught in England. . . . And . . . [in]

Religion

it may be feared they dull, amaze, confound, the most of men . . when they are

performed too tediously. .

[There] is much neglect of

endeavours, to . . . convert the Indian Nation. civil government is not so equally administered.

[The]

999

8. W. T. Davis, Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation (in J. F. Jameson's Original Narratives of American History series), 334-335, 338-339, 343.

9. A. B. Hart, Contemporaries, I, 388-389.

4. LORD BALTIMORE'S CATHOLIC COLONY OF

MARYLAND

Father Andrew White: Purpose of the New Colony of Maryland (Extract from pamphlet circulated in England in 1633). "This province, his most serene majesty, in his munificence, lately, in the month of June, 1632, gave to the Lord Baron of Baltimore and his heirs forever. Therefore

the most illustrious Baron has resolved immediately to lead a colony into that region; first, and especially, that into the same and the neighboring places he may carry the light of the gospel and of truth where it has been found out that hitherto no knowledge of the true God has shone; then, furthermore, with this design, that all the companions of his voyage and labors may be admitted to a participation of the profits and honor, and that the empire of the realm may be more widely extended. For this enterprise, with all haste and diligence, he seeks companions of his voyage-as well those of fortune who may be about to experience a different condition with him, as others also. The writings which his most noble father left behind him, an eye witness and most veracious contain statements truly wonderful and almost unheard of, in relation to the fertility and excellence of its soil. . . . Wherefore the most noble Baron, about the middle of September next

to make sail, God helping, into these parts.

"10

John Hammond: The Settlement of Maryland (1656). "Maryland is a province not commonly knowne in England, because the name of Virginia includes or clouds it, it is a country wholly belonging to that honorable Gentleman the Lord of Baltimore, granted him by Pattent . . . and at his charge settled, granted for many reasons, and this for one; that Virginia having more land then they could . . first the Duch came and took much,

.

look after,

next the Swead,

. . and had not this Pattent came and prevented it, strangers had pend up our Nation with in the bounds of Vir ginia, whereas now they have . . . all Maryland, as it were their own, it being only granted for the use of Brittaines and Irish." "" 11

10. Peter Force, Historical Collections, III, No. 12, pp. 3-4. 11. Peter Force, Historical Collections, III, No. 14, p. 21.