But in regard to

ternal concerns of any of its powers. these continents circumstances are . . different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, that we should behold such interposi

tion in any form with indifference. .

d. The Monroe Doctrine Interpreted:

" 39

President Adams' Message to Senate (Dec. 26, 1825). "In the [my first] message it was mentioned that the Governments of the Republics of Columbia . . had . . invited the Government of the United States to be represented at a Congress of American nations to be assembled at Panama to deliberate upon objects of peculiar concernment to this hemisphere. . . . An agreement between all the parties represented at that meeting that each will guard by its own means against the establishment of any future European colony within its border may be found advisable. . .

9 40

5. POLITICAL PARTIES REORGANIZED AFTER "ERA OF GOOD FEELING "

If I

Speech by Clay (Aug. 30, 1826). ". . . Driven from every other hold, they [Jackson's friends] have seized on the only other plank left within their grasp, that of my acceptance of the office of secretary of state, which has been asserted to be the consummation of a previous corrupt arrangement. had refused the department of State, the same individuals [who] proclaim the existence of a corrupt previous arrangement, would have propagated the same charge. . . . A spirit of denunciation is abroad. . . . This is not a fit occasion, nor perhaps am I a fit person, to enter upon a vindication of its [the administration's] measures. With respect to the

Panama mission, it is true that it was not recommended by any

39. Richardson, Messages and Papers, II, 209, 218-219. 40. Richardson, Messages and Papers, II, 318-319.

previous administration, because the circumstances of the world were not then such as to present it as a subject for discussion. . . There are persons who would impress on the southern states the belief that they have just cause of apprehending danger to a certain portion of their property [slaves] from the present administration. . . . However much the president and the members of his administration may deprecate the existence of slavery among us, there is not one of them that does not believe that the constitution . . . confers no authority to interpose between the master and his slaves. .

"41

b. The opponents of Adams seize on the Panama Mission to attack the Administration:

Debate in House over a resolution calling upon the President to give them the information that induced him to send ministers to the Congress of Panama (Jan. 31, 1826).

66

Floyd (Va.; Anti-Adams). ". . . Sir, I am in favor of this people, and I am in favor of 'an American policy.' But is this to lead us to all the entangling consequences which may grow out of this Congress? . . . Are we to engage in a crusade against the Holy Alliance, and plunge ourselves into a war with half Europe, and that too on a doubtful question? . . . Shall we not be called on to consult what amount of men and money will be requisite to liberate Porto Rico and Cuba? and to settle what shall be the condition of Hayti? Sir, I should like very much to know, whether an Ambassador is to be received there from the Republic of Hayti? . . . Is this Congress to tell the gentleman from South Carolina, and all of us from the Southern States, that 'all men are free and equal'; . . . and if you refuse to make them so, we will bring seven Republics, in full march, to compel you [the Emperor of Brazil], in the same manner that, on the other Continent, the Holy Alliance sent their combined armies to march against Naples? . .

Trimble (Ohio, Pro-Adams). ".... This mission was a question of national policy, upon which public opinion ought to have its full force. It would be useless to call for information after a false step shall be taken, . . . His leaning was decidedly

41. D. Mallory, Writings of Clay, I, 510-513.

in favor of the mission, and he thought there ought to be but one opinion in the country on the subject; . . .

99 42

C. The Election of 1828: Triumph of Jackson:

Webster to Clay (Oct. 13, 1826). " . . We all rejoice here [Boston]-I mean all who do not fear that you were born to prevent General J[ackson] from being President-in the improvement of your health; . .

Clay to Johnston (April 2, 1827). ". . . They tell this anecdote of Buchanan [Pa.] : he remarked that he had heard much of changes from Jackson to Adams, but could find nobody that had changed.' A member of the legislature, replied, 'Yes, Sir, here are eleven members of the Legislature, all of whom were friends of Gen. Jackson, and now are the friends of Mr. Adams. And I will tell you why-because the administration is right, and the opposition have been defeating the best measures.'

Crawford (Ga.) to Clay (Febr. 4, 1828). ". . . The truth is, I approved of your vote for Mr. Adams, when it was given; and should have voted as you did between Adams and Jackson. But candor compels me to say, that I disapproved of your accepting an office from him. . . And it appears to me that he is destined to fail as his father did, and you must fall with him.

answers

...

F. Brooke (Va.) to Clay (Febr. 28, 1828). "I have received from Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe. . . They decline to accept the appointment, [as Adams electors in Va.] as was apprehended, though with the expression of sentiments, . rather flattering to the Administration.

[Yet] they used

The general

an expression susceptible of construction more favorable to Gen. Jackson than was intended. . .

Clay to Brooke (March 24, 1828).

aspect of our political news continues good, especially from Kentucky and New York. . . .

وو

The inauspicious

Clay to H. Niles (Nov. 25, 1828). ". issue of the election has shocked me less than I feared it would. And yet all my opinions are unchanged and unchangeable, about the dangers of the precedent which we have established.

42. Benton, Abridgment of Debates, VIII, 641-642, 644.

The military principle has triumphed, and triumphed in the person of one [Jackson] devoid of all the graces, elegancies, and magnanimity of the accomplished men of the profession. Our course is a plain one. We must peaceably submit to what we have been unable to avert. .

"43

QUESTIONS

I. (1) What was the attitude of parties towards the war of 1812, and arguments of each? (2) What the feeling of the two parties towards each other? (3) What reasons given for calling the Hartford Convention? (4) How far were the Extreme Federalists ready to go in opposition to war? (5) What suggestions did the Hartford Convention make in regard to changes in disposal of the revenue and militia? (6) Summarize the effects of the War of 1812. (7) What the arguments of the friends of protection for the system? (8) What the chief objections to protection? (9) What benefits expected from the establishment of a national bank? (10) Why did Clay change his views in regard to the bank? (11) Was Calhoun a nationalist or not in 1816, judged by his speech on internal improvements? (12) On what grounds did Madison and Monroe object to a system of internal improvements?__ (13) Did Congress agree with Madison? (14) What was the Taylor amendment? (15) To what territory did the Thomas' amendment apply? (16) Give the argument of Pinkney against restricting slavery in Missouri. (17) What doctrine in regard to interpretation brought out in debate over Missouri's admission? (18) What the leading argument against, what for, the Florida treaty? (19) Outline the Monroe Doctrine. Over what issue did parties begin to reform in 1825?

(20)

II. (1) What change in point of view of the constitution do you see beginning in the South during this period? (2) Trace the evolution of the formulation of the Monroe Doctrine. (3) How do the questions before the American people during this period differ from those dominant in the preceding period? (4) Do these extracts help you to explain the downfall of the Federal party?

III. (1) What was the financial condition of the United States during the War of 1812? (2) What conditions in Europe aided in bringing out the Monroe Doctrine? (3) How do you explain the gradual sectionalization of the country in regard to protection? (4) How did the old Federal and Republican parties divide when new parties were formed, 1825-28?

43. Colton, Private Correspondence Clay, 151, 161, 192, 196, 199, 213.

Text-Book References.-Adams and Trent, 227-262; Ashley, 269-298; Channing (revision 1908), 335-373; Hart, 277-315; James and Sanford, 259-296; MacDonald's Johnston, 222-270; McLaughlin, 282-321; McMaster, 233-240, 259-265, 273-278, 294-300; Montgomery (revision 1905), 291-335; Thomas (revision 1903), 215-249.

SECTION V

JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY, 1829-1841

The marked characteristics of this period were the rise of the West and the growth of the democratic forces in both society and the state. The "people" demanded and obtained possession of the government in all its political departments.

The natural results of this democratic uprising weke expressed (1) in the introduction of "rotation in office," which terminated in the "spoils system"; (2) in opposition to monopoly in all its manifestations; and (3) in a vigorous and aggressive foreign policy. Jackson as the very embodiment of this new democratic spirit became the leader in the movement against the bank, the paper money policy, and, as it proved, against nullification. To the old ruling class it seemed as if anarchy itself had been let loose; and, in fact, the mob-spirit was greatly in evidence during these years of transition. Reforms were demanded in regard to hours of labor, wages, and imprisonment for debt. "Isms" of all kinds were set forth, and socialistic and communistic experiments were tried out on all sides.

As a sequence of the Nullification controversy, the oratory of Webster and the popularity of Jackson, brought the full force of this democratic upheaval to the support of the national cause and national interpretation of the constitution. Democracy and Nationalism were thus allied, and later their union enabled the Nation to withstand the sectionalizing tendency of slavery.