XII. Metaphysics.-Subject, The moral and physical Proofs of the Immortality of the Soul. Besides these twelve subjects, six more were proposed to the poetess by persons of distinction who were present. I. The Death of Pyramis and Thisbe. II. Whether the Fidelity of the Male or Female Sex be the stronger. III. Complaints of a Shepherdess deserted by her Swain. IV. An Invocation to the Deity to bless the Day. V. The Injustice of the Notion that because the Christian Religion is founded on Humility, it is not fit to give a full Scope and Elevation to great Talents. VI. A Comparison of the modern with ancient Philosophy. We must now take our leave of M. Sismondi. In the present state of affairs we could not analyse the literature of Spain without noticing the miserable state of that wretched country; and our indignation would soon carry us from literature to politics, and instead of speaking of the Spanish poets, historians, and men of letters, we should waste our time and ink upon the bloody and tyrannical deeds of their bigotted monarch and worthless clergy and antichristian inquisition. But if want of limits prevent us now from calling the attention of our readers to a nation once so glorious and now so debased, it will not be long before we shall attempt to expose the imbecility and ty ranny of a throne, which ever since the second Philip, has never been dignified by one worthy of the name of a man. ART. VII. Liberty Civil and Religious. By a Friend to 1815. IN every monthly list of publications, the instances are numerous, in which we are decoyed by splendid titles into the perusal of volumes, which subject us to a very unprofitable expenditure of our time; the exuberant promises which they hold out being followed by a very meagre execution. We are now and then made the dupes of the opposite species of deception, and giving every author credit for doing justice to himself, are betrayed into the passing over productious eminently deserving of notice, because a rare diffidence has sent them unacknowledged into the world, and completely destitute of exterior pretensions. The Essay now before us illustrates this latter observation. It has come forth without a name, and bearing no other superscription scription than a dry statement of the subjects to be discussed; and has in consequence experienced a neglect to which it is by no means entitled; for under the ambiguous title adopted, the author's object is to point out the true nature of liberty, and to draw a distinction between it and licentiousness, and his pages contain a very seasonable and well-considered investigation of this most interesting question, which the sons of confusion have at all times taken the greatest pains to sophisticate, and concerning which, therefore, it is obviously of the utmost consequence to the peace of nations, that clear and correct ideas should be promulgated and maintained. The treatise opens with an animated panegyric on liberty, which the author justly characterises as the idol of Englishmen." On the merits of this object of adoration, however, he deems it needless to expatiate, as we see, and know, and taste, and feel them. He therefore passes on to the misconceptions and abuses to which liberty is liable, alledging too truly, that, so generally enjoyed as it is, and so highly valued, it is still ill understood, and worse treated, by many of its votaries; who, as Milton (speaking from the experience of his own fanatical times) aptly describes them, love not liberty, but licence: "They bawl for freedom in their senseless mood, And still revolt when truth should set them free; Here then is the distinction which our author takes; and from hence he defines liberty to be "not the being able to do what we will, but the being able to do "what we ought to will." And after shewing that a freedom to do what we will is the freedom of the savage, or the wild beast, but that man being a rational being, and likewise intended to live in society, must submit to the laws of reason, and of the society in which he lives, he goes on to answer the objections which may be made by those who may deem such restraint little better than slavery, and to discriminate accurately between true and false freedom; pointing at this great truth, that "liberty is not only consistent with a submission to good laws, but cannot exist without them." It is not necessary to follow our author very accurately in this part of his course. He is a very sensible as well as agreeable companion, and carries us on pleasantly enough, till he arrives at a point which every true patriot will reach with pleasure-the praise of our own constitution. This indeed is rather indirectly alluded to, than plainly set forth. And we must own, that, however hacknied may be the subject, a short statement of the advantages which Britons enjoy, and a description of the manner in which liberty liberty is fenced and secured by the laws, which at the same time prevent it from breaking out into extravagance, might have been introduced very seasonably with good effect. What a constitution should do, and what should be the conduct of a wise and good member of it, our author has set forth in general terms, but extremely well. "No man therefore is, or can be, absolutely free. It is not possible, nor if possible, would it be compatible with the happiness of others, that any man should be at liberty to do what he will. Hence the advantage of a limited over an absolute monarchy. Hence the necessity of laws to bind both prince and people. No human being is above all law. No one, either in public or private life, is fit to be trusted with absolute power: yet for the due preservation of order, without which there can be no peace nor happiness, it is necessary that some should be invested with a share of power; and the highest of all earthly wisdom is to give to every one in authority the proper share; such as will repress factious turbulence, without breaking the vigour of a people; such as will call forth and support their spirit, but restrain it within due bounds; such as will protect the weak, encourage the industrious, animate the brave, and give full but not improper scope to the enterprising; such as will awaken genius, and bring into action all the great and good qualities of man; while it curbs the base and evil passions, and punishes them if they break forth to the injury of any man's person, property, or character. In short, to make power useful, and not oppressive, this, I say, is the highest of all earthly wisdom; to be regulated more by experience than by theory, and to be guided by the genius and habits of every people. Of this, in all its parts and bearings, no individual probably is capable of forming an accurate judgement." P. 20. The Author now proceeds to allege some instances in which a man's "freedom must be restrained, and in which he is prevented from doing some things which he might innocently, perhaps usefully do," and then goes on. "But no wise man will complain that he is forced to render back something to the state for the protection which he derives from it. He will rather rejoice that he becomes thus an useful and important member of it. He will acknowledge the advantage which arises from giving to every individual an interest in the public welfare; and he will no more repine, as a citizen, at making some sacrifices of time, of fortune, of personal convenience, or personal safety, for the public good, than he will, as an individual, at making the same sacrifices for the sake of private friendship. Nay, though he will carefully watch every violation of the constitution, and every infringement of the rights and liberties of the subject, yet it will be with the generous vigilance of a friend, not with the restless suspicious suspicious fear of a jealous lover. He will make all duè allowance for the imperious calls of necessity. He will not magnify his own distresses, nor lend a willing ear to the complaints of the profligate. The freedom and independence which he enjoys will set him equally above the necessity of courting the power of the sovereign, or flattering the passions of the people." ~ P. 22. Our author divides his tract into two parts, Civil Liberty, and Religious Liberty. We have already intimated, that we purposely pass over the former division hastily; partly, because we wish to dwell rather more at length upon the latter, which we deem by much the more important; and partly, because the propriety of curbing the desires of man in civil matters, is acknowledged by all persons, (except it be by the wildest of Jacobins) though they may not possibly enter with much thought or accu racy into the arguments upon which the restriction is founded. The arguments, however, as set forth by our author, are very simple; namely, that perfect liberty can consist only with perfect virtue, and perfect equality; that it is the first duty of every member of society, as such, to sacrifice his personal ease, or convenience, or safety, to the good of the community; and that, in point of fact, whatever be his disposition, or whatever his situation, some concessions must be made, some portion of liberty must be given up, to purchase happiness. "One man is enslaved to forms and ceremonies, another is confined by the performance of certain duties. The sovereign is restrained in his choice of amusements and even of friends; the peasant is obliged to daily labour for his support. Even the silken chains of love and matrimony, though they may grace the wearer, deprive him of some personal liberty, well exchanged, as that is, for much solid and substantial comfort. No person, in short, is free to do what he will. Such freedom must be sought in the woods and wilds; and the possessor of it will excite little envy among his fellow-creatures." P. 16. Thus much for Civil Liberty, of which the author may truly assert that he is the friend; especially by two maxims, which we could wish most earnestly to recommend to all who value this greatest of earthly blessings; namely, 1st. that in any well-framed constitution, liberty is not fettered and restrained by the laws, but upheld and established by them; and 2dly. that its surest safeguard is the virtue of the people. We should, however, deem it an unpardonable neglect, if we were to take our leave of this part of the tract, without presenting to our readers a passage which is truly admirable, both on account of the importance of the truth which it contains, and on account of the happy expressions in which it is delivered. It follows a passage quoted above, in which the author is shewing, that in no situation in society is a man at liberty to follow his inclinations unrestrained. "This part of the subject will well bear to be enlarged upon. A due consideration of the imperfection of all earthly things would correct many errors-prevent much disappointment. How many false hopes and extravagant expectations do we find, which would never be entertained, at least never encouraged, if those who receive them into their hearts would pause for a moment to reflect on the faults and defects of the natural and moral world! How would this consideration teach them to moderate their desires, to bear with the faults of others, and be humble at the recollection of their own! How would it inculcate mildness and condescension in prosperity; resignation in distress; and, above all, elevation of the thoughts and affections to things above! If the inhabitants of this world would be content to view it in its natural dimensions; and take it as it really is, a chequered scene of light and shade, a scene of trial, not enjoyment; they would more readily endure much which cannot be cured, and would partake with greater satisfaction and gratitude of those blessings which its gracious Maker has allowed to his unworthy creatures. But when they imagine a state of things which does not exist, they magnify both the inconve niences which they feel, and the advantages which they desire. "Liberal, not lavish, is kind nature's hand, "There is in this world much to be suffered, much to be enjoyed; and both sufferings and enjoyments are adapted to man's real state: the former such as will not overwhelm; the latter such as will not satisfy. Let man be sensible of this, and he will bear with chearfulness the mitigated ill, and receive without discontent the imperfect good." P. 17. We now pass to the other part of the subject-Religious Lberty. Whatever may be the cause, this does not appear to be so generally understood as the former. The necessity of restraints upon civil liberty, we should rather say licentiousness, touches us more nearly; it comes more closely home to us; we see it every day. So that every man of sense and worth is willing to have his own freedom circumscribed, that his neighbour may not go unfettered; he is willing sometimes to be prevented from innocently indulging his inclinations, if he can thereby subject to a wholesome coercion those persons whose desires and inten tions are not innocent. But the same man, if he is questioned on the subject of religion, will perhaps see no necessity at all for any such restraint. The danger which arises from every person indulging |
