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ed in till the month of December, and then in a very bad condition: that the crop of potatoes, on which the faid inhabitants principally depend for fupport, was alfo deftroyed by the froft; that many of the faid inhabitants being thereby reduced to indigence, will either be constrained to emigrate, or be expofed to the danger of perifhing for want of food, unless timely measures be devised for their relief: that the diftreffes occafioned by famine being generally most extreme in the fummer months immediately preceding the new harvest, when this houfe may not be fitting; that for thefe reafons it is neceffary moft humbly to befeech his majesty, that he will be graciously pleafed to give fuch directions as may lead moft effectually to avert the evils that are to be apprehended from the above calamitous ftate of the northern parts of Scotland; and to affure his majesty, that this houfe will make good, out of the first aids that thall be granted by parliament, fuch expences as fhall be incurred by his majesty in relieving the mifery to which his majefty's unhappy fubjects may be reduced by this molt deplorable calamity."

This motion was carried without oppofition. Lord North now turning the attention of the commons to the civil establishment of the colonies, explained the peculiarity of their condition. It was ftill neceffary to move the feveral eftimates of the civil establishments of Nova Scotia, the island of St. John, East and West Florida, Georgia, and Senegambia on the coast of Africa. As this circumftance might appear furprising to many members, fince fome of thefe places were not now in our poffeffion, he confidered himfelf as called upon to fatisfy their doubts. The fums to be voted for

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difcharging the falaries of the civil officers of East and West Florida, Georgia and Senegambia, which belonged to us no longer, were not intended for the continuance of the civil establishments, but to defray the arrears due to the officers till Midfummer next, from which period their emoluments were to ceafe. This accordingly would be the laft application to parliament in respect to thofe provinces, with the exception of Eaft Florida, the civil officers and the inhabitants of which would not be fo eafily removed. There might, therefore, be a neceffity of applying for a farther aid to them. The amount of the civil establishment of the island of St. John, was nearly the fame with that of the last year. But with regard to Nova Scotia, there was a finall difference which arose from the circumftance, that colonel Fanning was appointed governor of it, with a falary of five hundred pounds per annum. To this appointment he had been conducted by his merits, his fufferings in the caufe of his country, and his unfhaken loyalty to his fovereign. An addition of two hundred pounds a year had allo been made to the falary of the chief juftice, which increafed it to nine hundred pounds per annum. Thefe peculiarities, with a few others, rendered it expedient to extend the prefent establishment beyond the limits of the one which had preceded it. His lordfhip having made thefe obfervations, moved the following refolations:

"That a fum not exceeding five thoufand, nine hundred and fortythree pounds, nine fhillings, and five pence, be granted to his majesty for defraying the civil eftablishment of Nova Scotia, from the first day of January, 1783, to the first day of January, 1784.

"That a fum not exceeding three thoufand

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thoufand nine hundred and fifty pounds be granted to his majesty for defraying the civil establishment of Eaft Florida, from the 24th day of June, 1782, to the 24th day of June, 1783.

"That a fum not exceeding four thoufand nine hundred and feventy pounds, four fhillings, and one penny, be granted to his majefty to defray the falaries due to the civil officers of the late province of Weft Florida, to the 24th day of June, 1783.

"That a fum not exceeding three thoufand one hundred and fifty pounds, be granted to his majefty for defraying the civil eftablishment of the island of St. John, from the first day of January, 1783, to the firft day of January, 1784.

"That a fum not exceeding three thoufand three hundred and forty pounds, be granted to his majefty for payment of the falaries of the civil officers of the province of Georgia, from the 24th day of June, 1782, to the 24th day of June, 1783.

ftamp duties on receipts; and fet forth that there were certain claufes and provifions contained in the faid bill, which the petitioners appre hended, in cafe the fame fhould pafs into a law, would be very injurious to the manufacturers, trade, and commerce of the kingdom. It therefore entreated and prayed, that the petitioners might be heard by their counfel against the faid claufes and provifions; and that they fhould have fuch relief as the houfe should think to be expedient and proper.

The lord mayor infifted on the juftice of this petition, and on the propriety that counfel fhould be heard against the bill of which it complained. Sir Grey Cooper urged the impropriety of hearing counfel against a tax propofed as a means of paying the intereft of the loan for the fervice of the current year. In the best of times, and by the beft of men, it had been allowed to be a wife, expedient, and a politic regu lation, to reject every petition of fered against a tax for the current year. This rule had even grown into an invariable practice.

This

"That a fum not exceeding two thousand four hundred and fifty pounds, be granted to his ma-rule and practice might be traced jefty for defraying the falaries of back to the year 1693, when a the civil officers of the late pro- number of petitions were prefented vinces of Senegambia, to the 24th to the houfe of commons against the day of June, 1783." propofed taxes. Upon various and juft confiderations, the danger and impropriety of fuch petitions ftruck the houfe fo forcibly, that they entered into a refolution to reject them uniformly in the future. It was alfo well known, that in the year 1733, when the famous general excife fcheme was in agitation, a great variety of petitions from London, and other cities and towns, defiring to be heard by counfel against it, were prefented; and that the houfe was mature and clear in rejecting them. He was, therefore, decidedly

Thefe refolutions paffed June 11. without difficulty. A petition was now prefented by the heriffs from the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London, in common council aflembled. It complained of the bill for repealing the act for charging a ftamp duty upon inland bills of exchange, promiffory notes, or other notes payable otherwife than upon demand; and for granting new ftampduties on bills of exchange, promiffory and other notes; and alfo

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decidedly of opinion, that the city
of London, in the prefent inftance,
fhould not be heard by their counfel.
The lord mayor denied that the
rule appealed to had been invariably
adhered to. He stated the cafe of the
houfe-tax, when the city of Lon-
don were heard by counfel at the bar
of the house of commons. Sir
Charles Bamfield declared, that he
found himself in an awkward fitu-
ation. He had engaged to prefent
a petition from the city of Exeter,
fimilar in every refpect to that
which had been fent up by the city
of London. The fpeaker intimated
that it had been long the practice
of the commons, in confideration
of the importance of the city of
London, to receive any petition of-
fered by its theriffs, without having
any previous notification of its con-
tents. It was impoffible, there.
fore, that the nature and purpose of
fuch a petition could be known, till
it had been read at the table. But
with regard to any other city, or to
any town, or county in the king
dom, no petition could be received,
unlefs a member fhould rife in his
place, state the nature of it, and
move for leave to bring it up.
This, no doubt, was unwritten law;
but it had the fanction of ufage and
univerfality, and could not be dif-
puted.

ceffary to prevent the evafion of it. A bill therefore was brought in, fraught with thefe regulations, and calculated to improve the mode of its collection. The bill respecting the house-tax was profeffedly a bill to explain and amend, and not a bill to impofe a new tax.

The lord mayor did not imagine that it would excite the envy or refentment of any other city, if London, the metropolis of the kingdom, fhould be permitted to be heard by counsel against the tax. London was the guardian and the protector of the commercial interefts of the nation; and in the prefent inftance, her fole view was to prevent inconvenience to trade. The interests of every other city and town, were connected infeparably with hers; and they would furely be difpofed to fupport her in her endeavours to procure a relief of which the operation was exten five and general.

Lord North animadverted on the houfe-tax, which, he faid, had no relation to the cafe in point. That was not a petition against a tax to make good the intereft of the money borrowed for the fervice of the current year; nor was the city heard by their counfel upon a plea of this fort. They petitioned, a were heard against a regulating tax in agitation the fecond year after inftitution of the tax itself. It was found that the tax was unproductive; and that certain regulations were ne.

Mr. Fox obferved, that the city of London had the indifputed privilege of having their petitions received without a previous advertisement of their contents. The privi lege however, was of little value. For the moment that its purposes were understood, the houfe might refufe to take it into confideration. To fay that the tax was a bad one, becaufe there were numerous complaints against it, was a fallacious argument. This was a proof that the tax would be productive; that it would not be partial but general; that it would not be fevere upon a few, but extend lightly over all. It was a merit in a tax that it went to affect all ranks of men. Yet fuch a tax would be unpopular; and every body would exclaim against it.

The idea preffed by the lord mayor, that the city of London

fhould

fhould be heard by their counfel, was generally reprobated; but being unconvinced by the arguments ftated in oppofition to him, he put the matter to the decifion of the houfe, and loft the question by a majority of 178 to 15.

A more general debate upon the tax on receipts was now commenced by fir Cecil Wray, who inveighed against it as a moft partial expedient; fince it would affect the commercial interest in a great degree, and be hardly felt at all by the landed gentlemen. It had excited a high alarm among his conftituents; and he had in his hand a petition against it fubfcribed by nearly four thousand names. Yielding therefore to their inftructions, as well as to the conviction of his own mind, he urged he house to reject it, and to prevail with the chancellor of the Exchequer to fubftitute a tax in its place lefs oppreffive and obnoxious. The tax on receipts was not properly a tax on the rich. It affected most the middling ranks of men, and was laid very partially. It would fall fo heavily upon fome traders, that it would fubject them annually to a fum not less than two hundred pounds. It was a general principle, that all taxes fhould have a reference to the expenditure or the confumption of the perfon or the article taxed. Now this tax was impofed fo unequally, that while it would be felt feverely by fome orders of men, it would touch others very flightly. He thought, that instead of a tax that would clog all money tranfactions, it would be a wifer expedient to lay an additional land-tax. He contended, that the land-tax, fo far from being too high, was, in reality, too low. This doctrine might be unpopular in the house, but it was folid, and not to be controverted. The abolition of the right of

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franking was alfo another proper plan for raifing the revenue. might be right that the letters to members of parliament fhould come free; but they ought not, furely, to be indulged in the vanity of exempting other men from paying their taxes. He stated, that the abolition of the cuftom of franking, would produce twenty thousand pounds; and that an additional penny on the postage of all letters, would be another proper fource of revenue. He therefore moved, "That the tax bill fhould be recommitted."

Mr. fecretary Fox declared, that it was very difagreeable to him to vote in oppofition to a respectable body of his constituents, who had inftructed him to employ his endeavours to prevent the tax on receipts. He was, notwithstanding, convinced in his own mind, that the objections they entertained against the tax, were founded in a mifapprehenfion of its nature, and that it included within its bofom no real cause for alarm. Accordingly, while fome of his conftituents were hoftile to it, there were others of them who beftowed upon it their fincere approbation. With regard to himself, however, he had uniformly declared it as his fentiment, that a reprefentative was not bound in all cafes to facrifice his own judgment to the inftructions and opinions of his conftituents. And, perhaps, there was no object whatever of parlia mentary confideration, in which a reprefentative was lefs bound to obey the directions of his conftituents, than on the topic of a tax. A tax was ever argued upon with impropriety without doors. In that house it was understood the most clearly. The people argued from what they individually felt, and not upon principles. But the members of the

houfe

houfe accustomed to bufinefs debated the merit of a tax comparatively, and took in the idea that a tax productive to a certain amount must be impofed. It could judge of two taxes, whether they would be more or less burthenfome, and could give the preference definitively and with judgment. It was in this view of the tax upon receipts that the houfe had bestowed upon it their fanction. It was always upon this ground of comparison that taxes were to be judged of. It was not proper to inflame the people without doors about them, to pronounce them to be abfolutely bad, and to foment discontents and clamour.

To obtain petitions against a tax including a great variety of names was very cafy, and very immaterial: no fure argument could be founded upon a practice of this fort. After a clamour has been raifed without doors against a tax, a meeting of individuals who are affected by it is called. The perfons compoling this meeting, even if they were not affected by the tax, are improper judges of it. But being concerned to escape from it, and having their own intereft folely in view, refolutions are propofed to them which they greedily fwallow. A petition is drawn up: the perfons agreeing to the refolutions fubfcribe it, and it is carried about to be fubfcribed by other perfons of the fame defcription. What is this but to trifle with public affairs? and to be ftrenuous to faften an unmerited odium upon minifters ? To encourage fuch plans is the bufinefs of faction, folly, and idleness.

To increase the land-tax was of all projects the most violent and abfurd. It was agreed upon every hand that this tax was of all others the most partial. For the landholder first pays for his land; and 1783.

then contributes equally with every other perfon to almost every other tax. The abolition of the privi ledge of franking might doubtless be thought of with propriety; but ever it fhould become a fubject of confideration to the commons, it would be wrong to retain the priviledge in any degree. The letters to the members of parliament ought to be taxed as well as thofe to every other perfon. If the abolition was to be made at all, it ought to be total, and without refervation of any kind.

The tax on receipts was in every refpect fair and right. It was fo constructed as to guard the poor from oppreffion. Even to the rich it offered no compulfion. It was optional, and therefore a tax upon luxury; for a receipt was a matter for which there was no abfolute neceffity. He could not perceive that this tax was open to any one reasonable or fubftantial objection.

Mr. Beaufoy conceived that as the provifion of taxes for fupplying the neceffities of the state was the moft difficult of all the duties of a minifter, the raifing of obstructions to them could only be juftified by the most urgent and forcible confiderations. At the fame time it was juft and right that the house fhould obtain every poffible information' with regard to the taxes. In the prefent cafe it ought to enquire into the probable effects of the bill. As the truftees of the people it ought to examine it with minute and anxious attention. The payments of every man fhould be in proportion to his wealth; and no clafs of individuals fhould be selected from the mais of the people to be made the objects of a fevere or peculiar oppreffion.

Upon its face the tax under confideration has indeed an air of im I partiality.

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