offices, and in the houses of officers was fhameful and exceffive in the greatest degree. But it appeared that thefe grievances might be removed; and all the objects of the bill be at tained without its paffing into a law.

Mr. Pitt accounted it furprifing that lord John Cavendish fhould op pofe his bill, while he allowed that there were parts of it which called forth his approbation. His bill was founded on a principle of official economy and public reform; and the fituation of the country demanded it. To continue the commiffion of accounts might be expenfive; but would not the benefits arifing from it be fufficient to compenfate any lofs that might be incur red? That official abufes would be remedied by official men, was in his mind a monstrous propofition. For those who actually committed the abuses would be required to remedy them. Reforms conducted in this manner would be prepofterous indeed! For men who had gained by abufes would be difpofed to continue in them.

If there was an object more deferving than another of the attention of paliament, it was that the receipt and expenditure of public money fhould be managed in all the great revenue offices with the most fcrupulous purity and exactnefs. To enlarge on the confequences of a contrary practice would be to trifle. They were moft palpably obvious. It was more deftructive to enter into the abufes which actually prevailed. When the late board of treafury inftituted an enquiry with regard to the navy-office, they were repeatedly informed that in this department no fees were received. It appeared, however, that though no tees could be legally demanded, fums of money to a great amount were taken under the appellation of gifts. Thus, for

example, the chief clerk of the navy-office had a falary of about two hundred and fifty pounds a year; but he received not lefs than two thousand five hundred pounds in gifts. The other clerks, whofe falaries were fmaller, received gifts in proportion. Thefe gifts might be termed the wages of corruption.

Between the clerks in office who were concerned in checking, paffing, and expediting. the accounts of perfons who were employed in ferving the public with different articles, and thofe perfons themselves, there prevailed a most infamous traffic, which defrauded the nation of a great annual revenue. In the poft-office, the place of fecretary was legally worth fix hundred pounds, but its profits exceeded three thoufand. The two fecretaries of the treasury might receive annually during peace two thoufand pounds; but in the time of war, their income rose to five thoufand. There were other, and perhaps greater abufes; but these were fufficient to afcertain the exiftence of the grievance; and that the public mult gain in no common meafure by a general reform in the public offices.

The neceffity of giving a check to the fale of offices was univerfally allowed; and it was not lefs neceffary to bring forward regulations with regard to the fuperannuation of officers, and the appointment of perfons to difcharge the duty of fuch of them as may have leave of abfence. Previoufly to the existence of the last board of treafury the commiffioners of the ftamp-duty had been accuftomed to appoint each of them one of their own fervants to be a ftamper, and inftantly to grant leave of abfence to him; fo that the place was a finecure, and the bufinefs of it done by a deputy. New offices had alfo been created without ne

ceffity

ceffity; and no abuse could be more pregnant with public ruin.

The improvident expenditure of the revenue of the kingdom in what had obtained the name of incidental expences, under which head were comprised the fupply of perfons in office with coals, candles, and furniture, had grown to an extravagance that was truly amazing The work done to houfes held under government was another enormous impofition and abufe. The houfe in Downing-treet had coft the public for repairs in one year the fum of ten thousand pounds. Bufhby-park had alfo its fhare of expence; and these were not the only houfes belonging to the public.

As to the confumption of ftationary wares by the officers in the different departments of government, it might be termed a depredation. It excceded the annual fum of eighteen thousand pounds. It would aftonish the noble lord in the blue ribband, that the year before the last he had coft the public one thousand and three hundred pounds for ftationary. Of the bill the articles were certainly very curious; and one of them was moft particularly fo. It was an item of three hundred and forty pounds for whipcord. It was impoffible that his lordship could have connived at this extravagancy of abufe. But it might be alluded to in order to evince the abfolute neceflity for a fubftantial reform. He could hardly believe that any ferious oppofition could be made to the measure he had propofed; and he stated that the carrying of it into execution would add annually to the public revenue not lefs a fum than forty thousand pounds.

cord he had never before heard of it. But when it was urged that his ftationary amounted to one thoufand and three hundred pounds, it ought to have been obferved, that there were peculiar circumstances in connection with it. Upon the stationer's bill there was an allowance of 40 per cent. which was a perquifite to the ufher of the Exchequer. He thought indeed that this expence might be faved to the public; and that the perquifite might be dropped after the death of the prefent usher of the Exchequer, who held his of fice for life. But in refpect of the amount of his bill for stationary, this peculiarity reduced it to 600l. Now as the first lord of the treasury kept a fecretary and feveral clerks, and as his houfe was rather an office than a private dwelling, it perhaps might be thought that this fum was by no means exceflive or profufe.

Lord North declared that the ftatement of this bill for ftationary had not been made with a due candour. As to the item of the whip.

Το

As to the articles of coals and candles, he had refused to receive them at the expence of the public; and no abufe on that head could be reproached to him. With regard to the repairs of Downing-ftreet houfe he had taken no active part. The officers of the board of works had ftated their apprehenfions that the houfe would fall, and the neceffity of its immediate reparation. him the alteration of the house was a ferious inconvenience; and no candid perfon could imagine that he was perfonally to blame in a matter of this kind. As to Bufhby-park, when his majefty was pleafed to confer its rangerfhip on lady North, it was not tenantable. Its repair was not imputable to him; and he believed that with regard to it nothing idle or wantonly ornamental had been executed to put the public to expence.

Mr. Fox exclaimed against the

enormous

enormous fees which had been taken during the late administration at the board of treafury on the fcore of paffports. The late board of treafury had been infinitely remifs in reforming their own official abuses on the fubject of fees while they were in power; but when they had reaped their harveft they were inordinately vigilant to prevent their fucceffors from imitating their example. It was not a little extraordinary, that while the late treafury were fcheming bills of reform upon the abolition of fees of every denomination, the two fecretaries were in the habit of taking four times the common fees on paffports. In time of war the ufual fee of a paffport was 71. 10s. Nor could any complaint be made against a charge fo moderate. But by a refinement that was furely unreafonable, this fee was to be repeated according to the number of foes with whom we were engaged in war. The merchants accordingly, had been charged thirty pounds a piece for paffports at the offices of the fecretaries of state; and what was curious beyond expreffion, an order came to these offices from the Treasury to put an end to this practice on the very day upon which he had the honour to kifs hands upon his promotion.

Mr. Burke fpoke with warmth against the bill. Confidering Mr. Pitt as a projector, he compared him to a large ferpent gliding along in the mire of reform, with a number of little diminutive officers in his belly. The bill did not hold out any true or folid principle of œconomical reform. It exhibited vexation for œconomy, and expence for improvement. It would abolish a number of petty and infignificant offices; and it would erect five expenfive ones upon their ruins. Without ferving the public it would

prefs with a wanton cruelty on the indigent and the worthy.

The bill, notwithstanding the objections made to it, paffed the commons, and was ordered to be carried to the lords for their concurrence. With the lords, however, it was not fo fuccefsful. Earl Temple moved in the house of peers for the lifts of fees which were taken at the different public offices, with a view to carry the bill into a law, by demonftrating its utility and advantages. But his motion was objected to. Earl Fitzwilliam contended that the papers called for were unneceffary, as the bill proceeded on ftatement of abufes that were actu

ally exifting. Lord Stormont defired their lordships to attend to the peculiar phrafeology of the bill:

Whereas it is highly expedient for the correction of abuses which may have arifen, and with a view to fuch favings as may be made." This language was indefinite, and had a reference merely to poffibilities. The paper called for could therefore be of no ufe, and their production could have no effect but to create delay and trouble. Lord Loughborough fupported thefe lords; and while he afferted that the bill affirmed nothing, he obferved, that the perfons who had framed it had been rafh and precipitate. For they had forgotten that parliament had paffed an act for the entire regulation of the pay-office.

Now the pay

office was one of the objects of reform in the bill. There was another impropriety which its framers had committed. They had empowered the commiffioners of accounts to adminifter an oath to perfons felling offices. Now there was in full force a statute, declaring the fale of an office to be an indictable offence. This then would be to give to the commiffioners a power to adminifter

minifter an oath to perfons to accufe themselves of an indictable criminality. This was a ftroke of tyranny indeed! It was not to be permitt d. It was repugnant to law, juice, humanity, and common Lente.

The motion of lord' Temple, upon putting the question, was loft by a majority of 32 to 22. The principle and tendency of the bill were then attacked by earl Fitzwilliam. He condemned them as futile and trifing; as plaufible in appearance, but as defective, and without folidity; as better calculated to give trouble than advantage; and as preludes to useless invefligation. Earl Temple declared, that as their lordfhips had refused to indulge him with those papers for which he had moved, it was not in his power to enter into the merits of the bill with a full information. He was not, however, entirely ignorant of the bafinefs; and he made a state of the fees, gratuities, and gifts, in the different offices. He expofed the inpofitions which had taken place under thefe different claims, and he moved that the bill fhould be committed. The duke of Portland affirmed that the bill, instead of having the operation of a remedy, was ufelf a difeafe. It would create an endless trouble. To carry it into effect it would be neceflary to examine three thousand perfons. Ten years would pafs away before reports could be made to the Treafury. The bill was not a reform but a vexation. The establishment of its plan would involve the pub. lic in the expence of one hundred thousand pounds; and yet it would not effect the intended purposes. He would therefore put his negative upon it. Lord Stormont declaimed against its inconveniencies, and com

pared its regulations to the dreams of a hermit in his cell, and to the fanciful pictures drawn by a visionary in his own chamber, where the pictures are more or lefs fantastic according to the brilliancy or the gloominefs of his imagination.

When the queftion was put the bill was rejected by a majority of 40 to 24. But the following protest was entered against the proceedings upon it.

"Diffentient,

"I. Because the information laid before the house of commons, authenticating many facts of grofs abufe and mifmanagement, upon which, it is prefumed, this bill was there paffed, was refufed by a majority of this houfe.

II. Becaufe various facts adduced in debate to prove the exitence of grofs abufe and mifmanagement, were on all hands admitted.

"III. Because this house refused even to entertain a bill founded upon the information contained in thofe papers, and maturely confidered and adjusted in the other houfe; and because no adequate folution was propofed, that held a reafonable expectation that thefe abufcs would be redreffed in the common courfe and practice of office.

RADNOR,
OSBORNE,
ABINGDON,
DE FERRERS,
SAY AND SELE,
SYDNEY,

NUGENT TEMPLE,
CHANDOS,

FERRERS,

CHATHAM,

RUTLAND."

CHAP.

June 5. T

HE northern parts of Scotland exhibited at this period a fcene of extreme wretchednefs. The late unproductive harvest had reduced the inhabitants of thofe diftricts to a state of humiliating indigence. Proper vouchers and memorials of their calamitous condition were produced before the commons; and Mr. Pulteney and Mr. Dempfter infifted that they ought to take their diftrefs into confideration, and to think of means for fupporting a ufeful body of his majefty's fubjects against the fcourge of unforeseen and inevitable misfortune. Their defcriptions of the mifery of the northern divifions of Scotland were full of philanthrophy; and Mr. Dempfter, convinced that the humanity of the house could not refift his call, took the liberty to move, "That his majefty fhould be enabled, by and with the advice of the privy council, to allow the importation of corn for a time not exceeding four months, from the third day of Septeraber next, into the feveral counties of Perth, Kincardine, Aberdeen, Inverness, Rofs, Nairne, Cromartie, Argyle, Forfar, Bamff, Sutherland, Caithness, Elgin, Dumbarton, Orkney, and Zetland, under certain restrictions and limitations."

The marquis of Graham fecond ed the motion, and recommended it in the strongest manner. Sir Jofeph Mawbey objected to it; and with great illiberality threw out reflections against the Scottish nation. Lord John Cavendish was

It was now moved by Mr. Dempfter, "That the commiffioners of the land-tax of the faid counties be enabled to levy a fum not exceeding fourteen pounds Scots, on every hundred pounds Scots of the valued rent of the faid counties, and to ap ply the fame to the relief of the inhabitants as are or fhall be reduced to poverty by the failure of the laft year's crop, and the fcarcity and high price of corn occafioned thereby." This refolution being carried, it was farther moved by Mr. Demp ster, "That an humble address be prefented to his majesty, that this houfe, in confequence of his majefty's most gracious fpeech from the throne, has bestowed constant attention to the fcarcity and high price of corn, and that notwithftanding the feveral falutary laws for the relief of the poor, the effects of the high price and fcarcity of corn are ftill felt by many of his majesty's loyal fubjects: that it appears from evidences brought before this houfe, that the inhabitants of the Highlands and northern parts of Scotland in particular, have fuffered moft feverely from the lateness of the late harvest, whereby their corn while green was covered with fnow, and in many places was not gather

દહે