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146 Trtadery o/*GodoIphin, Maryborough, and Sundcrland.

name of Stair was fnentioned; and

Sir Laurence Dundas, through the hole of his life, marked his gratitude by an affectionate kindness to every branch of his Lordship's family.

John Duke of ArgyJe, who knew well that the artifices of Lord Carteret Would find opportunities to create differences between persons of filch high spirits as the King and his General, said, that Lord Stair's vanity had made him take the command of the army, and his pride would nuke him throw it up.

As the following anecdote marks the manners of the age, during the Duke of Marlborough's wars, and the character of another singular man, I Jball hazard it. Lord Mark Ker and Lord Stair were at play in a coffeehouse, when a stranger overlooked the game, and disturbed them with observations. Lord Mark said, "Let •* us throw the dice which of us mall * pink (a cant word of the time for *• fighting) this impudent fellow." They threw. Lord Stair won. , Lord Mark Ker cried out, "Ah, Stair, «' Stair, you have been always more "fortunate in life than me."

When Lord Stair was ambassador at Paris during. the regency* he gave orders to his coachman to give way to no body except the King; meaning, that an English ambassador should take the pass, even of the regent, but without naming him. The host was seen coming down a street through which the coach passed. The late Colonel Young, from whom I had the story, "who was master of horse, rode to the window of the coach, and asked Lord Stair, if he would be pleased to give way to God Almighty. He answered, •* by all means, but to none else;" and . then stepping out of the coach, paid respect to the religion of the country in which he was, and kneeled in a very dirty streetLewis XIV. was told, that Lord Stair was one of the best bred men in Europe. << I sluli seon pot th» to

"the test," said the King; and asking Lord Stair to take an. airing with hinlj as soon as the door of the coach was opened, he bade him pass and go in; The other bowed and obeyed. The King said, " the world is in the right "in the character it gives: another "person would have troubled me witH *• ceremony."

During the rebellion in the year 1745, the clan of Glenco were quartered near the house of Lord Stair. The Pretender being afraid they would remember, that the warrant for the massacre of their clan had been signed by the Earl's farther, sent a guard to protect the house." The clan quitted the rebel army, and were returning home: the Pretender sent to know their reason. Their answer was, that they had been affronted; and when asked what the affront was, they said* "the greatest of any; for they had "been suspected of being capable of "visiting the injuries of the father up"on the innocent and brave son.'i He was braye indeed: a, sure proof of which was, that he used all the influence and power he possessed, to obtain mercy for those rebels against whenj he-had commanded one of the armies which guarded England.

Treachery 5/Godolphin, Marlborough, and Sunderland.

THE difficulty of forcing the French to general actions in the open sea, the imposs.bility of blocking up their fleets for any considerable time at Brest in the stormy sea of the Bay of Biscay, or ac Toulon in the swelling sea of the Gulph of Lyons, had satistied the King, that the only way to conquer the fleets of France was ia their own harbours; and the sufferings of the trade of England, which not only weakened the nation, but impaired the revenue, and which had arisen greatly from the vicinity of Brest to the Eng

Treachery «/"Godolphin, Marlborough, and Sunderland.

Ut

"gence, which you may depend upon "being exactly true." But the letter from General Sackfield to Lord Mellfort, which inclosed that from Lord Marlborough, spoke out more plainly the advantage which the intelligence given to James would prove to France. The words are : " I fend "the letter by an express, judging it "to be of the utmost consequence for "the service of the King my master, "and consequently for the service of "his Most Christian Majesty." The evidence of Lord Sunderland's treachery (for the evidence of such extraordinary facts should be referred to) is to be found in a letter from the Earl of Arran, his son-in-law, to King James; the treachery of Godolphin, in Captain Lloyd's report of his negotiations in England to King James j and of Lord Marlborough, in his letter to King James, and General Sackfield's letter inclosing it tot Lord Mellfort; all lately published by Mr M'Pherson *. The originals of the two last letters are not in existence is

the

Lloyd's report to King James, in M'Pherson's State Paper!, t>os. I. p. 480.

Traifiation of a letter in cyphers from Mr Sackfield, Major-general of bis Britannic |£i . , Majesty's forces, to the Earl of Mellfort.

May 3. 1694. "I have just now received the inclosed for the King. It is from Lord Churchill { * but no person but the Queen and you must know from whom it comes. There"fore, for the love of God, let it be kept a secret, even from Lord Middleton. I ** fend it by express, judging it to be of the utmost consequence for the service of; "the King my master; andconsequently for the service or his Most Christian Ma"jesty. You fee, by the contents of this letter, that I am not deceived, in the Judg

formed of Admiral Rufsel ; for that man has not acted sincerely, and I

ever will act otherwise."

Jiih coasts, made him resolve to attack that place, by making a lodgement on the neck of land which separates the road of Brest from the road of Cameret, and commands the bay, the harbour, ami the river; but his intention was betrayed to the late King, by intelligence in the spring from Lord Godolphin, first Lord of the Treasury, and afterwards by a letter from Lord Mirlboroggh, eldest Lieutenant-general in the service, of date 4th May f 694, in the same way as a project against Toulon was betrayed two years afterwards by Lord SundcrlanJ. Marlborough's letter, with a strange endeavour, yet natural desire, even in the post wicked, to reconcile their profligacy with their duty, in their own eyes, and those of others, contained the following words: "This will be a a great advantage to England. But "Bo advantage can prevent, or ever "shall prevent me, from informing h you of all that I believe to be for "tyour service. Therefore you may * make your own use of this intelli

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'Translation of Lard ChurchiWs letter to the King of England. _nly to-day 1 have learned the news I now write you, which is, that the "bomb-ketches ana the twelve regiments encamped at Portsmouth, with the two ** regiments of marines, all commanded by Talmafh, are destined for burning the ^ltsrbour of Brest, and destroying all the men of war which are there. This w'.ll V'se a great advantage to England. But jio consideration can prevent, or ever "Bull pi event me, from informing you of all that I believe to be for your service. J* Therefore you may make your own use of this intelligence, which you may de» "pend upon being exactly true. But I must conjure you for your own interest, to •* fe nooae know but the Queen, and the bearer of this letter."

"Rufsel fails to-marrow with forty ships, the rest being hot yet paid; bat it it "said, that in ten days the rest of the fleet will follow, and at the iametime the "landforce*. I ha»e endeavoured to learn this some time ago from Admiral RusfUtt.. Bat he always denied it to me, though I am very sure that he knew the de• ign for mocc than six weeks. This give* me a bad sign ot this man's intentions.

4* m.

til Queries rtfredingpme Paffages

the Scots College at Paris, where the other two papers are. But the copies •Were sound among the other official papers of Nairne, Under-secretary of State to Lord Mellfort, and one of them has an interlineation in Lord Mellfort's hand-writing. And, in King James's Memoirs, I have seen a memorandum in his own hand-writing, that Lord Churchill had, on the 4th of May, given him information «f the design upon Brest. I was told by the late Principal Gordon, of the Scots College at Paris, that, during the hostilities between the Duke of Marlborough and Lord Oxford, near the end of the Queen's reign, Lord Oxford, who had got intelligence of the Duke's letter, and pretended, at /•at time, to be in the interests of the exiled family, applied for, and got an

in Sir J. Dalrymple'/ Memoirs.

order for the original 1 and that nis? making the Duke know that his life was in his hands, was the cause of the Duke's going into a voluntary exile to Brussels in the year 1712: And indeed, so extraordinary a step as that exile must have had an extraordinary cause. It is known too from the Tiistory of the times, that there was a private meeting between the Duke and Lord Oxford, at Mr Thomas Harley's house, to which the Duke came by a back door, immediately as* ter which he left England. I lip.v^ also heard from the late Archbishop* of York, grandson to the Earl of Ox-. ford, that he had been informed that the Duchess of Marlborough, after the death of those two persons, had contrived to get the letter from Lord Oxford's papers, and destroyed it.

To tht P u SIR,

TH E Public is highly obliged to Sir John Dalrytnple for his curious and valuable communications.

In his late Historical work, p. 45, he fays, " In King James's Memoirs, ♦' I have seen a memorandum in his . "own hand-writing, thztlstrd Churehu hill had, on the 4th of May, given ♦•him information of the design upon •* Brest." this requires some explanation—Does the King's memorandum bear J.ord Churchill at full length, or only L. C, or C?

I presume that Sir John is a reader ef your Magazine, and therefore I use this method of intreating him to inform the public what is the precise fact. \

If King James set down in his me?

B L 1 s H E a.

mormdum the name of Lord Chwchid at full length, his imprudence, in committing such a secret to a pocket-book, seems almost unexampled^ especially when he knew that the two parties of Middlcton aud Mellfort divided his court, and that neither of Uiem would have scrupled at employing any political means in order to come at secrets.

There is another circumstance, p. 9, which will become of moment -when particularly explained. Sir John informs us, that, when he was last at Paris, he saw, in the Scots College there, ** a letter from Lord Roches"ter to King James writteD on silk, "which, from the form of the piece, « had been the inside of a woman's «< stomacher."

•« I shall be very w«U pleased to leam, that this letter comes safe to your hands." fil'Plxr/oii'i State-Papers, vol. 1. p. 487,

Lord Arran's letter to King James, of date 13th March 169$. contains these words; *• With regard to new?, it is certain, that the preparations that are made here sol* *« the Mediterranean, are designed for attacking Toulon, if it is poffible. It is Lord «• SundtrUnd who has given me in charge to assure your Majesty of this."

Os the Causes luhich product th Phenomena of Nature.' f t J

"stomacher." One should wish to larity must be striking at first'fight.'

know-, i. Whether it ■ is signed Re 3. Docs the letter relate to public

tkflsr. 2. Whether it is in the hand matters, or only to such civilities as

ef Ld. R.; his hand is so singular and are wont to pad between brothers-ia

so nnliko any writing of his contem- law I »

poraries, that the similarity or diffimi- I am, &c.

Of th Causer 'which produce the Phenomena of Nature. By Thomas Reid, D. D. F. R. S. Edinburgh, Prof fir of Moral Philosophy in the Unhcrfit} $f Glasgow *.

IN all languages, action is attributed to many tilings which all men of common understanding believe to be merely passive; thus we fay, the wind blows, the rirers flow, the sea nges, the fire burns, bodies move, and impel other bodies. . . ....

A like irregularity may be observed in the use of the word signifying cause, m all languages, and of the words rented to it.

Our knowledge of causes is very scanty in the most advanced slate of fociety, much more is it so in that early period in which language is formed. A strong desire to know the causes of things, is common to all men in every state; but the experience of all ages shews, that this keen appetite, rather than go empty, will feed upon the husks of re;d knowledge where the fruit cannot be found. . ... . .

In common language, we give the name of a cause to a reason, a motive, an end, to any circumstance which, is connected with the effect, and goes before h.

Aristotle, and the schoolmen after bin, distinguished four kinds of causes, the efficient, the material, the formal, and the final. This, like many of Aristotle's distinctions, is only a distinction of the various meanings of an ambiguous word; for die efficient, the matter, the form and the end, have nothing common in their nature, by which they may be accounted species of the seme genus;

t * Ways on the Active

but the Greek word, which we translate cause, had these four different meanings in Aristotle's days, and we have added other meanings. We do> not indeed call thrmatter or the form of a thing its cause; but we have final causes, instrumental causes, occasional causes, and I know not how many others.

Thus the word cause has been so hackneyed, and made to have so many different meanings in the writings of philosophers, and in the discourse of the vulgar, that its original and proper meaning is lost in the crowd.

With regard to the phenomena of nature, the important end of knowing their causes, besides gratifying our curiosity, is, that we may know when m expect them, or haw to bring them about. This is very often of real importance in life; and this purpose is served, by knowing what, by the course of nature, goes before them and is connected with them ; and this, therefore, we call the cause of such a phenomenon.

If a magnet be brought near to a mariner's compass, the needle, which was before at rest, immediately begins to move, and bends its cojurie towards the magnet, or perhaps the contrary way. If an unlearned sailor is a (Iced the cause of this motion of the needle, he is at no loss for an answer. He tells you it is the magnet; and the proof is clear; for, remove the magnet, and the effect ceases; bring it near, and

the Powers of Man, 4 to.

f14 6sthe Causes which produce the Phenomena of Nature.

the effect is again produced. It is, therefore, evident to fense, that the •laga-et is the cause of this effect.

;A Cartesian Philosopher enters deeper into the cause of this phenomenon. He observes, that the magnet does not touch the needle, and therefore <lan give it no impulse. He pities the ignorance of the sailor. The effect is produced, fays he, by magnetic efflu• via, or subtile matter, which passes from the magnet to the needle, and forces it from its pluce. He can even shew you, in a figure, where these magnetic effluvia issue from the magi»et, what round they take, and what •way they return home again. And tkus he thinks he comprehends perfectly how, and by what cause, the motion of the-needle is produced.

A Newtonian Philosopher inquires what proof can be offered.sot the existence of magnetic effluvia, and can find none. He therefore holds it as a fiction, a hypotheses; and he has learned that hypotheses ought to have no place in the philosophy of nature. He confesses his ignorance of the real cause of this motion, and thinks, that his business, as a philosopher, is only to-find from experiment the laws by which it is regulated in all cafes.

These three perfons differ much in their sentiments with regard to the real cause of this phenomenon; and the man who knows most is he who is sensible that he knows nothing of the mati ter. Yet all the three sj>eak the fame language, and acknowledge, that the cause of this rtotion is the attractive or repulsive power of the magnet.

What has been said of this, may be applied to every phenomenon that falls within the compass of natural philosophy. We deceive ourselves, if we conceive, that we can point out the real efficient cause of any one of them.

The geandest discovery ever made in natural philosophy, was that of the la\f of gravitation, which opens such «. view of our planetary system, that it

looks like something divine. Bur the author of this discovery was perfectly aware, that he discovered no real cause, but only the law or rule, according to which the unknown cause operates.

Natural Philosophers, who think accurately, have a precise meaning, to the terms they use in the science; and when they pretend to shew the canse of any phenomenon of nature, they mean by the cause, a law of nature' of which that phenomenon is a necessary consequence.

The whole object of natural philosophy, as Newton expressly teaches, is reducible to these two heads: first, by just induction from experiment and observation, to discover the laws of nature, and. then to apply those laws to the solution of the phenomena of nature. This was all that this gre£ Philosopher attempted, and all that fie thought attainable. And this indeed he attained in a great measure, with regard to the motions of our planetary system, and with regard to the rays of light.

But supposing that all the phenomena that fall within the reach of our senses, were accounted for from gene-' ral laws of nature, justly deduced from expetience; that is, supposing natural philosophy brought to its utmost perfection, it does not discover the efficient cause of any one phenomenon in nature.

The laws of nature are the rules according to which the effects are produced j but there must be a cause' which operates according to these rules. The rules of navigation never navigated a ship. The rules of architecture never built a house.

Natural philosophers, by great attention to the course of nature, have discovered many of her laws, and havevery happily applied them to account for many phenomena; but they have never discovered the efficient cause of any out; phenomenon} nor do those

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