name of Stair was mentioned; and Sir Laurence Dundas, through the Whole of his life, marked his gratitude by an affectionate kindnefs to every branch of his Lordship's family. John Duke of Argyle, who knew well that the artifices of Lord Carteret would find opportunities to create differences between perfons of fuch high fpirits as the King and his General, faid, that Lord Stair's vanity had made him take the command of the army, and his pride would make him throw it up. As the following anecdote marks the manners of the age, during the Duke of Marlborough's wars, and the character of another fingular man, I fhall hazard it. Lord Mark Ker and Lord Stair were at play in a coffeehoufe, when a ftranger overlooked the game, and disturbed them with obfervations. Lord Mark faid, "Let us throw the dice which of us fhall pink (a cant word of the time for fighting) this impudent fellow." They threw. Lord Stair won. Lord Mark Ker cried out, "Ah, Stair, Stair, you have been always more "fortunate in life than me." When Lord Stair was ambaffador at Paris during the regency, he gave orders to his coachman to give way to no body except the King; meaning, that an English ambassador should take the pafs, even of the regent, but without naming him. The hoft was feen coming down a ftreet through which the coach paffed. The late Colonel Young, from whom I had the ftory, who was mafter of horse, rode to the window of the coach, and asked Lord Stait, if he would be pleafed to give way to God Almighty. He anfwered, by all means, but to none else;" and then stepping out of the coach, paid refpect to the religion of the country in which he was, and kneeled in a very dirty street. Lewis XIV. was told, that Lord Stair was one of the best bred men in Europe. I fhall foon put that to "the teft," faid the King; and asking Lord Stair to take an airing with him, as foon as the door of the coach was opened, he bade him pafs and go in: The other bowed and obeyed. The King faid, "the world is in the right "in the character it gives another "perfon would have troubled me with ceremony." 66 During the rebellion in the year 1745, the clan of Glenco were quar tered near the house of Lord Stair, The Pretender being afraid they would remember, that the warrant for the maffacre of their clan had been figned by the Earl's farther, fent a guard to protect the houfe. The clan quitted the rebel army, and were returning home: the Pretender fent to know their reafon. Their answer was, that they had been affronted; and when asked what the affront was, they said, "the greateft of any; for they had "been fufpected of being capable of "vifiting the injuries of the father up"on the innocent and brave fon." He was brave indeed: a fure proof of which was, that he used all the influence and power he poffeffed, to obtain mercy for thofe rebels against whom he had commanded one of the armies which guarded England. Treachery of Godolphin, Marlborough, and Sunderland. THE difficulty of forcing the French to general actions in the open fea, the impoflibility of blocking up their fleets for any confiderable time at Breft in the ftormy fea of the Bay of Bifcay, or at Toulon in the fwelling fea of the Gulph of Lyons, had fatisfied the King, that the only way to conquer the fleets of France was in their own harbours; and the fufferings of the trade of England, which not only weakened the nation, but impaired the revenue, and which had arifen greatly from the vicinity of Breft to the Eng "gence, which you may depend upon 66 lifh coafts, made him refolve to attack that place, by making a lodgement on being exactly true." But the let the neck of land which feparates the ter from General Sackfield to Lord road of Breft from the road of Cameret, Mellfort, which inclofed that from and commands the bay, the harbour, Lord Marlborough, fpoke out more and the river; but his intention was plainly the advantage which the intelbetrayed to the late King, by intelli- ligence given to James would prove gence in the fpring from Lord Godol- to France. The words are: "I fend phin, firft Lord of the Treafury, and "the letter by an exprefs, judging it afterwards by a letter from Lord to be of the utmoft confequence for Marlborough, eldest Lieutenant-ge- "the fervice of the King my mafter, neral in the fervice, of date 4th May" and confequently for the fervice of 1694, in the fame way as a project " his Moft Chriftian Majefty." The againft Toulon was betrayed two years evidence of Lord Sunderland's treachafterwards by Lord Sunderland. Marl- ery (for the evidence of such extraorborough's letter, with a strange endea- dinary facts fhould be referred to) is vour, yet natural defire, even in the to be found in a letter from the most wicked, to reconcile their pro- Earl of Arran, his fon-in-law, to fligacy with their duty, in their own King James; the treachery of Goeyes, and thofe of others, contained dolphin, in Captain Lloyd's report of the following words: "This will be his negotiations in England to King a great advantage to England. But James; and of Lord Marlborough, in "no advantage can prevent, or ever his letter to King James, and Genefhall prevent me, from informing ral Sackfield's letter inclofing it to you of all that I believe to be for Lord Mellfort; all lately published by "your fervice. Therefore you may Mr M Pherfon *. The originals of the "make your own ufe of this intelli- two laft letters are not in existence in Q2 46 દ the Lloyd's report to King James, in McPherson's State Papers, vol. 1. p. 480. Tranflation of a letter in cyphers from Mr Sackfield, Major-general of his Britannic Majefty's forces, to the Earl of Mellfort. There May 3. 1694. "I have juft now received the inclosed for the King. It is from Lord Churchill; "but no perfon but the Queen and you must know from whom it comes. "fore, for the love of God, let it be kept a fecret, even from Lord Middleton. I "fend it by exprefs, judging it to be of the utmoft confequence for the service of "the King my mafter; and confequently for the service of his Moft Chriftian Ma"jefty. You fee, by the contents of this letter, that I am not deceived, in the judg"ment I formed of Admiral Ruffel; for that man has not acted fincerely, and I "fear he never will act otherwise," A Tranflation of Lord Churchill's letter to the King of England. "It is only to-day I have learned the news I now write you, which is, that the "bomb-ketches and the twelve regiments encamped at Portsmouth, with the two "regiments of marines, all commanded by Talmafh, are deftined for burning the harbour of Breft, and deftroying all the men of war which are there. This will be a great advantage to England. But no confideration can prevent, or ever "fhall prevent me, from informing you of all that I believe to be for your service. Therefore you may make your own ufe of this intelligence, which you may de "pend upon being exactly true. But I must conjure you for your own intereft, to let no one know but the Queen, and the bearer of this letter." Ruffel fails to-marrow with forty fhips, the reft being not yet paid; but it is. "faid, that in ten days the rest of the fleet will follow, and at the fame time the "land forces. I have endeavoured to learn this fome time ago from Admiral Ruf"fel. But he always denied it to me, though I am very fure that he knew the de'sign for more than fix weeks. This gives me a bad fign of this man's intentions. "I fhall the Scots College at Paris, where the other two papers are. But the copies were found among the other official papers of Nairne, Under-fecretary of State to Lord Mellfort, and one of them has an interlineation in Lord Mellfort's hand-writing. And, in King James's Memoirs, I have feen a memorandum in his own hand-writing, that Lord Churchill had, on the 4th of May, given him information of the defign upon Breft. I was told by the late Principal Gordon, of the Scots College at Paris, that, during the hoftilities between the Duke of Marlborough and Lord Oxford, near the end of the Queen's reign, Lord Oxford, who had got intelligence of the Duke's letter, and pretended, at at time, to be in the interests of the exiled family, applied for, and got an order for the original; and that his making the Duke know that his life was in his hands, was the cause of the Duke's going into a voluntary exile to Bruffels in the year 1712: And indeed, fo extraordinary a tep as that exile must have had an extraordinary caufe. It is known too from the hiftory of the times, that there was a private meeting between the Duke and Lord Oxford, at Mr Thomas Harley's houfe, to which the Duke came by a back door, immediately af ter which he left England. I have alfo heard from the late Archbishop of York, grandfon to the Earl of Oxford, that he had been informed that the Duchefs of Marlborough, after the death of thofe two perfons, had contrived to get the letter from Lord Oxford's papers, and destroyed it, HE Public is highly obliged to morandum the name of Lord Churchill Sir John Dripple for is cu rious and valuable communications. In his late Hiftorical work, p. 45, he fays, "In King James's Memoirs, "I have feen a memorandum in his "own hand-writing, that Lord Church"bill had, on the 4th of May, given "him information of the defign upon Breft." This requires fome explanation-Does the King's memorandum bear Lord Churchill at full length, or only L. C, or C.? I prefume that Sir John is a reader of your Magazine, and therefore I ufe this method of intreating him to inform the public what is the precife fact. If King James fet down in his me at full length, his imprudence, in com mitting fuch a fecret to a pocket-book, feems almoft unexampled, efpecially when he knew that the two parties of Middleton and Melifort divided his court, and that neither of thêm would have fcrupled at employing any political means in order to come at fecrets. There is another circumftance, p. 91 which will become of moment when particularly explained. Sir John informs us, that, when he was laft at Paris, he faw, in the Scots College there, "a letter from Lord Rochef"ter to King James written on filk, "which, from the form of the piece, "had been the infide of a woman's " ftomacher." "I fhall be very well pleased to learn, that this letter comes fafe to your hands." M Pherfon's State-Papers, vol. 1. p. 487. Lord Arran's letter to King James, of date 13th March 1695, contains these words; "With regard to news, it is certain, that the preparations that are made here for the Mediterranean, are defigned for attacking Toulon, if it is poffible. It is Lord Sunderland who has given me in charge to affure your Majefty of this.” "flomacher." One fhould wifh to know, 1. Whether it is figned Ro thofter. 2. Whether it is in the hand of Ld. R.; his hand is fo fingular and fo unlike any writing of his contemporaries, that the fimilarity or diffimi larity must be ftriking at firft fight.. 3. Does the letter relate to public matters, or only to fuch civilities as are wont to pafs between brothers-inlaw? I am, &c. Of the Caufes which produce the Phenomena of Nature. By Thomas Reid, D. D. F. R. S. Edinburgh, Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Glasgow *. IN Nall languages, action is attributed to many things which all men of common understanding believe to be merely paffive; thus we fay, the wind blows, the rivers flow, the fea rages, the fire burns, bodies move, and impel other bodies. A like irregularity may be obferved in the ufe of the word fignifying caufe, in all languages, and of the words related to it. Our knowledge of caufes is very fcanty in the moft advanced state of fociety, much more is it fo in that ear ly period in which language is formed. A strong defire to know the caufes of things, is common to all men in eve ry ftate; but the experience of all ages fhews, that this keen appetite, rather than go empty, will feed upon the hulks of real knowledge where the fruit cannot be found. In common language, we give the name of a caufe to a reafon, a motive, an end, to any circumftance which is connected with the effect, and goes before it. but the Greek word, which we tranflate caufe, had thefe four different meanings in Ariftotle's days, and we have added other meanings. We do not indeed call the matter or the form of a thing its caufe; but we have final causes, inftrumental causes, occas fional caufes, and I know not how many others. Thus the word caufe has been fo hackneyed, and made to have fo many different meanings in the writings of philofophers, and in the difcourfe of the vulgar, that its original and pro~~ per meaning is loft in the crowd. With regard to the phenomena of nature, the important end of knowing their caufes, besides gratifying our curiofity, is, that we may know when to expect them, or how to bring them about. This is very often of real importance in life; and this purpose is ferved, by knowing what, by the courfe of nature, goes before them and is connected with them; and this, therefore, we call the caufe of fuch a phenomenon. Aristotle, and the schoolmen after If a magnet be brought near to a him, diftinguished four kinds of cau- mariner's compafs, the needle, which fes, the efficient, the material, the was before at reft, immediately begins formal, and the final. This, like ma- to move, and bends its cqurfe towards ay of Ariftotle's diftinctions, is only the magnet, or perhaps the contrary a diftinction of the various meanings way. If an unlearned failor is afked of an ambiguous word; for the effi- the caufe of this motion of the needle, cient, the matter, the form and the he is at no lofs for an answer. He tells end, have nothing common in their you it is the magnet; and the proof nature, by which they may be ac- is clear; for, remove the magnet, and counted fpecies of the fame genus; the effect ceases; bring it near, and Ellays on the Active Powers of Man, 4t7. the the effect is again produced. It is, therefore, evident to fenfe, that the magnet is the cause of this effect. A Cartefian Philofopher enters deep er into the cause of this phenomenon. He obferves, that the magnet does not touch the needle, and therefore can give it no impulfe. He pities the ignorance of the failor. The effect is produced, fays he, by magnetic effluvia, or fubtile matter, which paffes from the magnet to the needle, and forces it from its place. He can even fhew you, in a figure, where thefe magnetic effluvia ifiue from the magnet, what round they take, and what way they return home again. And thus he thinks he comprehends perfectly how, and by what caufe, the motion of the needle is produced. A Newtonian Philofopher inquires what proof can be offered for the exiftence of magnetic effuvia, and can find none. He therefore holds it as a fiction, a hypothefes; and he has learned that hypothefes ought to have no place in the philofophy of nature. He confeffes his ignorance of the real cause of this motion, and thinks, that his business, as a philofopher, is only to find from experiment the laws by which it is regulated in all cafes. Thefe three perfons differ much in their fentiments with regard to the real cause of this phænomenon; and the man who knows moft is he who is fenfible that he knows nothing of the mat ter. Yet all the three speak the fame language, and acknowledge, that the caufe of this motion is the attractive or repulfive power of the magnet. What has been faid of this, may be applied to every phenomenon that falls within the compafs of natural philofophy. We deceive ourselves, if we conceive, that we can point out the real efficient caufe of any one of them. The grandeft discovery ever made in natural philofophy, was that of the law of gravitation, which opens fuch view of our planetary fyftem, that it But looks like fomething divine. the author of this difcovery was perfectly aware, that he difcovered no real caufe, but only the law or rule,' according to which the unknown cause operates. Natural Philofophers, who think accurately, have a precife meaning to the terms they use in the fcience; and when they pretend to fhew the cause of any phenomenon of nature, they mean by the caufe, a law of nature of which that phenomenon is a neceffary confequence. The whole object of natural philofophy, as Newton exprefsly teaches, is reducible to thefe two heads: first, by jaft induction from experiment and obfervation, to discover the laws of nature, and then to apply thofe laws to the folution of the phenomena of nature. This was all that this great Philofopher attempted, and all that he thought attainable. And this indeed he attained in a great measure, with regard to the motions of our planetary fyltem, and with regard to the rays of light. But fuppofing that all the phenomena that fall within the reach of our fenfes, were accounted for from gene-* ral laws of nature, justly deduced from experience; that is, fuppofing natural philofophy brought to its utmoft perfection, it does not discover the effi-" cient cause of any one phenomenon in nature.. The laws of nature are the rules according to which the effects are produced; but there must be a caufe" which operates according to thefe rules. The rules of navigation never navigated a fhip. The rules of archi tecture never built a houfe. Natural philofophers, by great at tention to the courfe of nature, have discovered many of her laws, and have very happily applied them to account for many phenomena; but they have never difcovered the efficient caufe of any one phenomenon; nor do thofe who |