his native associations. Those who direct its movements are wise, cool, and relentless men Its soldiers are impelled by insanity or allured by gain. Its resources are inexhaustible, for they are levied upon the accumulations of your own labor, or contributed upon the sanguine anticipation of your conquest and confiscation.

It is our duty to notice the Black Republican organization somewhat in detail, that you may reflect upon the dangerous material of which it is composed. Its components are:

1. THE FANATICS,

To this class belong not only those who are infidels in their contempt for every human and divine institution, which you deem most sacred, but also those philanthropists whose morbid sensibilities prefer sympathizing with ideal to relieving real misery.

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It is very common to hear those who belong to the first of this class inveigh against the whole Christian system, and denounce the Constitution of their country as a compact with hell." It has not been long since that at one of their meetings a free negro reviled George Washington as a "scoundrel!" Mr. Wendell Phillips apologized for the application of the term to the dead when it was needed to reproach the living. He regarded it as a mere waste of Billingsgate. Nothing more. The free negro was neither interrupted nor rebuked!

The second division of this class proclaim their hostility to slavery through the medium of exaggerated facts and overwrought fiction. They educate and propagate slanders against you from the school room and the pulpit, and spread. them throughout the world in every language.

2. THE MERCENARIES.

These consist of politicians whose only principle of action consists in the love of gain or the rewards of ambition. Looking only for some lever by which to overthrow those who occupy the government, to them all issues are alike which promise profit. It was this class that employed a monster bank and its pernicious brood to enlist capital against numbers. It advocated protective legislation that it might bring numbers to bear against capital. It opposed a foreign war in Mexico as criminal, and foments a civil war in Kansas as indispensable to freedom. Evicted from power because of their flagrant corruption, they hope by exciting the prejudices of one section and exasperating the natural apprehensions of another to regain the power which an indignant people have compelled them to surrender.

THEIR ALLIES.

In virtual alliance with the Black Republicans may be placed the despotic governments of Europe, which, despairing to overthrow this Union by force, will contribute any aid of men or means to foment dissensions which threaten its dissolution.

But we feel it a duty to warn you of a class of politicians who exist amongst yourselves, and who are, in effect, the most powerful allies of abolition. It is those southern men who will not admit the danger of a sectional war, but who persist in dividing the south without the most forlorn expectation of success, and, by producing doubts amongst the conservative men of the north as to which candidate may be the most available for the defeat of abolition, weaken, neutralize, and divide the common strength which could be best commanded and conducted by the Democratic party. This class of politicians are actuated by the same object with the Black Republicans. Conscious of their own weakness before the people, they hope, though at the expense of a most dangerous agitation, to see the executive election defeated in the electoral colleges, in order that their candidate, not being so obnoxious to the abolitionists-because of his absence from the country and its councils for some years past, and because of his ambiguous and neutral opinions-as the bold and defiant leader of the democratic party, may be chosen as an alternative more acceptable to each than their own avowed antagonists.

Fellow-citizens of the south! Such a class of politicians deserves your most signal condemnation, because they, like the agitators of the north, are unwilling to have a question settled which strengthens their own chances of political domination.

We look upon such politicians with such dread and detestation, that we must describe them with distinctness.

SOUTHERN. DOUGHFACES.

There can be no doubt that politicians exist amongst us whose conduct is the counterpart of those mercenary spoilsmen to whom we have adverted. They are not numerous or formidable further than that any traitor in a fortress is more dangerous than an enemy without. But in the influence of their position they are much to be dreaded. The miserable miscreant who strews amongst you the slanders of abolition, is punished with a sudden and a signal sentence. But the ambitious or perfidious politician may ridicule your honest anxieties, excite your party prejudices, abandon the barriers which defend your rights, slander the motives of those patriots north and south who would protect you, or palliate the motives of those who are your most deadly and dangerous enemies. The only penalty imposed upon this domestic enemy is an exclusion from the political honors within your immediate bestowal. What is the comparative mischief which these enemies can inflict upon you?

The wretched emissary of abolition may steal a slave, but a mercenary or ambitious Doughface may concede some principle, or conceal some truth, that will destroy the whole institution of slavery at a blow.

In order that you may note and repudiate this small yet dangerous class, we will give a few of the political flesh marks by which they may be known.

The southern Doughface ridicules the slavery question as a "humbug," and charges all who manifest any solicitude upon the subject with being instigated by interest or ambition. He invariably accompanies this censure of others with a protestation of his own undoubted fidelity to the south. He laughs at all sentiments of devotion to a particular State, sneers at the noble stand taken in defence of their rights in 1798-'99, considers the federal governanent supreme in its authority. He has an intense, often an hereditary contempt for the people. The Doughface has been a Federalist, a Whig, and a Know-Nothing-never a Democrat.

The Doughface has a high opinion of his own merits, and expects upon the success of his northern allies at the very least to be called to the head of a department or a foreign mission. He would, perhaps, compromise for an anonymous interest in a lucrative contract. It is he who prepares ambiguous declarations for northern candidates, which commit them to nothing in favor of the south, and do not impair their strength at the north. He tells you that, as some politicians never keep a pledge, it is wholly unnecessary to exact one from any. He will tell you that his confidential assurance of the intentions of his candidate is more worthy of credence than the recorded evidence of fidelity presented by his competitor. When General Taylor refused to say that he would veto a bill prohibiting the establishment of slavery in the federal Territories, the Doughface defended him as perfectly sound, because General Taylor owned several cotton plantations. When General Ecott declined to express any opinion as to the power of Congress over the subject of slavery, the Doughface said it was perfectly satisfactory, because that hero had been born in Virginia, and was therefore incapable of taking an erroneous view of her interests. The Doughface now advises Mr. Fillmore to keep silence upon the great questions of the day. He assures you that Mr. Fillmore is perfectly sound, but when asked whether he will, if elected President, maintain the Kansas act, and resist the restoration of the Missouri restriction, he replies that he "signed the compromise and enforced the fugitive slave law."

Having been generally in a minority in the southern States, and expecting only to get into power through the numbers of the north, the Doughface has always been unwilling that his candidate for the Presidency should run the risk of injuring himself at the north by avowing opinions which, however indispensable to the safety of the south, would, were it known in that section, destroy all chance of his election. It is by such duplicity and deception, by sacrificing the rights of his own section, that such corrupt and desperate politicians seek for success. The enemies of slavery once admitted into its citadel, his reward will consist in the spoils wrested from his countrymen to be divided amongst their foes. Fortunately the Doughfaces are not numerous.

This union of Abolitionists, philanthropists, spoilsmen, with the virtual co-operation of foreign despots and southern Doughfaces, constitutes a combination of force and treachery so formidable that it will require the union of all honest and patriotic men of every section to secure the country from their dangerous and unscrupulous conspirators.

THEIR MACHINATIONS IN CONGRESS.

The Black Republican party boldly claims for its candidate the whole of the northern States. This is the merest and maddest bravado imaginable. But looking to the aid of those virtual allies who oppose the Democratic party, they hope that the executive election may be defeated before the people, that it may be carried for decision into the House of Representatives. They are now using the most unscrupulous efforts to obtain the control of a majority of that body.

It may startle you as a most significant sign of their power and success that they have, by the congressional influence conferred upon them by our own dissensions, deprived a member from Illinois of his seat, upon the most unfounded allegations, and referred the election back to the people, when the result of the contest is doubtful. They may unseat the member from Iowa upon a similar pretence. This may result in dividing the vote of thirty States equally, and the vote of a single State-it may be Delaware with its single member-may decide who shall be President of the United States! Thus, while your dissensions are at their height, your enemies have nearly succeeded in securing one half of the vote of the umpirage appointed by the Constitution to decide upon your rights-the other half is divided between yourselves and your enemies in disguise, or neutrals. Suppose the loss of any one State delegation by defection, would not the victory of your enemies be inevitable? Do you wish an illustration of the evils arising from a want of harmony amongst the conservative interests of the country? We regret that it should be in our power to offer one so fraught with immediate mischief. The Democratic party, and the more conservative sections of the American or Know-Nothing party, had been engaged in a bitter contest upon the comparatively immaterial question of amending the law of alien naturalization. Heated with the personalities of this contest, they met to organize the House of Representatives. The conservative Americans, with a highly creditable patriotism, refused to vote for Mr. Banks, the candidate of their order for the Speakership, because he was branded with abolition, and had denounced the Union. After a prolonged and exciting period of legislative anarchy, the most of them voted for a Democratic candidate, without any fusion or concession of principle. But mark the importance of harmony to the south! Mark the importance of requiring, at the hands of any party pretending to nationality, some avowal of principle upon the question of slavery.

Whilst the great mass of the southern Americans voted for a Democratic Speaker, the anti-abolition members of that party at the north, to a man, refused to vote in the election. And will it be believed! the Hon. Henry W. Davis, of Baltimore-a member sent by the voters of a city dependent for its connexion with the interior for a right of way through a slave State; going to sea through the channels of a slave State; itself the metropolis of a slave State, and receiving from its position an enlarged and enlarging patronage from a slave Statefeeling his prejudices as a partisan too strong for his duties as a patriot, abandoned the interests of his constituents and refused to vote for the Democratic conservative candidate! That vote, fellow-citizens of the soulh, properly applied, would have given you the administration of the House of Representatives! Its loss gave it to your foes. That burst of partizan passion might, in an event not impossible, cost you the Presidency. The failure of a few members of the National American party to vote for a Democratic Speaker threw the power and patronage of the House of Representatives into the hands of your enemies, to be employed in the cause of abolition. To misrepresent your position in regard to the Kansas Territory, and to secure, by a flagrant abuse of its power, the control of that tribunal appointed by the Constitution to decide a contested election of the federal executive. For as the House was organized, every leading committee has an abolition chairman, and an abolition majority! Out of thirty-five committees but one southern Democrat was appointed chairman!

Having thus exhibited the consequences at stake, and the formidable organization which confronts you, we will proceed to explain the

BLACK REPUBLICAN PLANS OF ABOLITION.

The chief purpose of this tract is to convince you of the vital importance of securing the right of admission into the Union for future slave States.

In the event Mr. Fremont shall be elected, the government will pass into the hands of men whose sole test and tenure of office will be hostility to you. Black republicanism will be the established opinion and rule of office. The only competition amongst its members will be, who can avow the most vindictive sentiments, or devise the most injurious measures against you. They will bring to bear every agent of excitement and mischief, they will then hold the two most powerful departments of the government, and we have already had notice that they will so constitute the supreme judiciary that its action will be adverse to you.*

They will concentrate, if possible, the whole opinion of the world against you. They will seek to exasperate you into some constructive treason against their government, that may deprive you of any share in its administration.

In defining the purposes of the Black Republicans, we care not to repeat the irresponsible ravings or the deliberate slanders which a thirst for vengeance or an appetite for pecuniary requital has published against you.

We will, therefore, take the scope and design of that movement from a source alike authentic and important amongst them. In October, 1855, the Hon. William H. Seward avowed the purpose of overthrowing the "aristocracy of slaveholders." He explained the manner in which this was to be effected in the following paragraphs:

"The [abolition] that has become at last so necessary is as easy to be made as it is necessary. The whole number of slaveholders is only three hundred and fifty thousand, one-hundredth part of the entire population of the country. If you add their parents, children, immediate relatives, and dependants, they are two miltions-one-fifteenth part of the American people. Slavery is not and never can be perpetual. It will be overthrown either peacefully and lawfully under this Constitution, or it will work the subversion of the Constitution, together with its own overthrow. Then the slaveholders would perish in the struggle. The change can now be made without violence and by the agency of the ballot box. The temper of the nation is just, liberal, forbearing. It will contribute any money and endure any sacrifices to effect this great and important change; indeed, it is half made already. The House of Representatives is already yours, as it always must be when you choose to have it. The Senate of the United States is equally within your power, if you only will persistently endeavor, for two years, to have it. Notwithstanding all the wrong that has been done, not another slave State can now come into the Union. Make only one year's constant, decisive effort, and you can determine what States shall be admitted.

"I do not know, and personally I do not greatly care, that it [abolition] shall work out its great ends this year or the next, or in my lifetime; because I know that those ends are ultimately sure, and that time and trial are the elements which make all great reformations sure and lasting."

SENATOR WILSON'S PLANS OF ABOLITION.

"We shall overthrow the slave power of the republic; we shall enthrone freedom; shall abolish slavery in the Territories; we shall sever the national government from all responsibility for slavery, and all connexion with it; and then, gentlemen, then, when we have put the nation, in the words of Mr. Van Buren, openly, actually, and perpetually, on the side of freedom, we shall have glorious allies in the south. We shall have men like Cassius M. Clay. [Loud applause.] We shall have generous, brave, gallant men rise upon the south, [dough faces,] who will, in their own time, in their own way, for the interest of the master and bondsman, lay the foundations of a policy of emancipation that shall give freedom to three and a half millions of men in America. [Enthusiastic applause.] I say, gentlemen, these are our objects, and these are our purposes."

*

"Let us remember that more than three millions of bondmen, groaning under nameless woes, demand that we shall cease to reprove each other, and that we labor for their deliverance.

*

"I tell you here to-night, that the agitation of this question of human slavery will continue while the foot of a slave presses the soil of the American republic."

* "We shall change the Supreme Court of the United States, and place men in that court who believe with its pure and immaculate chief justice, John Jay, that our prayer will be impious to Heaven, while we sustain and support human slavery."-[Senator Wilson.]

But perhaps some dough face admirer, intent upon securing your vote for a non-committal candidate, may tell you that the admission of new slave States is of little consequence to the protection of your rights, because the Black Republicans disavow the power to abolish slavery in the States. Does he demand to know the process by which that ruinous measure can be effected, as Mr. Seward has said, "lawfully, under this Constitution?" He shall' hear.

Suppose it the established policy of the government that there shall be "no more slave States admitted into the Union." The republic cannot stand still. It has abundant territory. It has gift lands. Cheap and rapid access to the interior. The vacant territory between the Atlantic and Pacific States will soon be traversed by railroads. Our people are enterprising and migratory in their habits. Millions are pouring in from foreign countries. There MUST be new States from the west and northwest. Again: our population is pressing upon the territory of Mexico. They are attracted by her gold, her climate, her fertility, and her abundance. Mexico is bankrupt and in anarchy. The acquisition of her coterminous territory by us is inevitable. There MUST then be more new States in the south and southwest. But there can be no more slave States. The slave area is circumscribed by a black line. It can never expand another acre. It can never send another additional member into the council of States. Let us refer the further probabilities to statistical facts. There are now sixteen slave States. Under the proposed rule of exclusion there can never be more. The number may even diminish. The whole area of the United States and its Territories amounts to 2,691,339 square miles; of this, 851,508 is slave, the remainder— 1,839,831-is free. But the free States-except California-only occupy an area of 456,417, leaving 1,383,214, or more than three times the area of the free States east of the Rocky Mountains, to be subdivided into new free States as the exigencies of political ambition may require.

Thus, without the acquisition of any new territory, we have only to look forward a few years, and the ascendancy of the free States in the Union will be sufficiently established to enter upon the great design of "lawful abolition under the Constitution." The precise plan for accomplishing this object has been long since indicated, both here and in Europe. The federal government may be amended by assent of three-fourths of the State legislatures, and we have shown that if the number of slave-holding States is stationary, and that of the free States shall increase in a probable ratio, it cannot be long before the constitutional majority may be commanded. The power thus conferred will obviate the difficulty which almost all the abolitionists acknowledge. It is thus that the south may be entangled in the coils of a perverted Constitution, and compelled to violate its solemn compact or seal its own destruction. This, then, is the way by which your ruin may be effected "lawfully under the Constitution," unless you secure the right for the admission of new slave States, recognized by the Kansas act.

And in this connexion allow us to remind you of the practical measures which abolition has taken to pre-occupy and control new Territories opened to settlement.

The legislature of Massachusetts, immediately upon the passage of the Kansas act, incorporated the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Society," with a capital of five millions of dollars. It was headed and managed by respectable and responsible men, and its objects were set forth by authority. It proposed to contract for the removal of 20,000 persons from Massachusetts to Kansas. It anticipated that "several thousand New Englanders," "and some 30 or 40,000 of the 400,000 foreign immigrants would take the same direction.' With such a system of effort "the Territory would be filled with FREE INHABITANTS. "Whenever up the Territory should be organized as a free State," the trustees are required "to dispose of its interests there," "select a new field," and make similar arrangements for the settlement and organization of another FREE STATE of this Union. This association, it is said, "will determine, in the right way, the institutions of the unsettled Territories in less time than the discussion of them has required in Congress."

In this we may see a deliberate plan of settlement and propagandism which perpetuates tself and grows stronger and more formidable with every "new field " of effort.

PROTECTIVE POLICY OF THE SOUTH.

The first duty of the South is to harmonize its domestic dissensions The Northern States are forgetting the party differences which have heretofore divided them, and fusing upon a common principle of opposition to you.

In the language of Mr. Foot, of New York, formerly an editorial supporter, and afterwards, we believe, a diplomatic appointee of Mr. Fillmore

"What, then, is there left of public duty, to which the old Whig party stands pledged? I see nothing, except the principle for which we so earnestly contended in 1844-namely, the exclusion of slavery from free soil. "Of all the national issues between the Whig and Democratic parties only one remains, and that is the exclusion of slavery from free soil."

And so Mr. Foot, with thousands of other Whigs, joins the Black Republican party. Why, then, should you keep alive distinctions which exist nowhere else? Suppose the Southern Whigs should carry a few States, what would they do with them? Employ them to jeopardize the safety of the South and prolong the agitation in Congress? They could hope to carry out no principle with the organized majority of their own party against them. The belief that the South is divided encourages the Black Republicans to hope that the election may be referred to that body, of which we have shown they have secured the control. The South

should then consolidate its strength upon the party and the man who will best protect its interests and combine the elements of conservativeism at the North.

If we have been successful in convincing you of the dangers which menace you, let us ask that you make it an invariable principle to bestow your votes upon no candidate for any office who will not bind himself to.

MAINTAIN THE KANSAS ACT,

And especially the 14th and 19th sections thereof, without change or modification.

The sections referred to in this bill contain the obliteration of the Missouri restriction, and the assertion of the right of new States to admission.

But not relying upon subordinate declarations, it will be your duty, as it is your right, to demand from the Presidential candidates appealing to the South for its suffrages some assurance of their opinions upon this vital subject. Ask them, or either of them, if you are in doubt about their positions, these questions:

1. Should you become President of the United States would you veto an act of Congress which should prohibit slavery or involuntary servitude forever, except for crime, in all the Territories of the United States where it does not now exist?*

2. Will you veto any bill to restore the Missouri restriction or to repeal the right of Kansas to admission into the Union with or without slavery, as its constitution may determine at the time of its admission?

3. Will you maintain the right of all new slave States to be admitted into the Union upon the same terms with free States?

4. Will you use your influence to put down the agitation of slavery, and with that purpose will you pledge yourself to bestow office upon no one who will not subscribe to the obligations embodied in these questions?

Satisfy yourself as to the opinions of the candidates upon these questions. He who refuses to respond to them must be unsound or doubtful, and therefore unworthy to receive your suffrages. The Whig party of the South have seen the importance of requiring some guarantee upon this subject, and have in several of their State resolutions affirmed that the Kansas act must be maintained. The consistent co-operation of all the South will place both the candidates who aspire to command the conservative army upon the same platform in respect to the great question. Whichever then shall succeed your interests will be protected? We will give a single and conclusive reason why this is necessary. The Americans of the south had, at one time, the guarantee of a national resolution that the Kansas act should be maintained. They thought fit to cancel that guarantee. The northern sections of that party, with its representatives in Congress, have been thus absolved from any specific obligation upon the subject. The Presidential nominee of the South American party has been exonerated from any declaration, and his executive action has been left to executive discretion. Now, if any of these Fillmore representatives in Congress should be called to vote upon a contested executive election, they might be found unwilling to support a candidate pledged to maintain the Kansas act. They would claim the same discretion that had been allowed to their Presidential nominee, and might exercise it by giving a sectional vote in favor of the Black Republican candidate ; nor, under these circumstances, could their southern associates reproach them. If, however, you require Mr. Fillmore to pledge himself to maintain the Kansas act, those who support him during the canvass will be pledged to the same principle, and you will thus have raised an impassable barrier between them and the Black Republicans which they can never pass again. It may be that if you can in that way secure but a single vote in Congress, it will be invaluable to your country! We are aware that your Doughface advisers will tell you that the last national platform of the American party is equivalent to that which it repealed. The first national platform adopted by that party pledged it to maintain the existing legislation upon the subject of slavery. If this was the purpose of the party why repeal it?" But the Doughfaces will also tell you that this substitute is identical with the Kansas act. To show the fallacy of such a statement we publish the competing

sections.

Seventh section of American platform adopted February, 1856.

"The recognition of the right of the native born and naturalized citizens of the United States, permanently residing in any territory thereof, to frame their constitution and laws, and to regulate their domestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the privilege of admis sion into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one representative in Congress: Provided, always, That none but those who are citizens of the United States, under the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such Territory, ought to participate in the formation of the constitution, or in the enactment of laws for said Territory or State."

The 14th section of the Kansas act contains the following provisions :

"That the Constitution, and all the laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within the United States, except the eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which being inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measure, is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may have existed prior to act of 6th March, 1820, either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing slavery." The 19th section of the same act authorizes the admission of a State or States to be erected