Convention by arguing this point. I do not think the gentlemen of this Convention will demand that Kansas shall be excluded. She has come here to say if she have preferences she will exercise these preferences or leave this hall. Kansas believes in the right, which has carried her through many a dark hour; and she believes that it is principle alone which will carry the Republican cause through in triumph.

Mr. WILMOT, of Pennsylvania: I regret exceedingly that I was misunderstood by the gentlemen who have responded to me in behalf of the States of Maryland, Virginia and Kentucky. I made no proposition to exclude those gentlemen from a fair representation upon this floor-[Applause]-none at all. I proposed that certain states be referred back to the committee for the purpose of an investigation, to see what vote they are entitled to on this floor.

Mr. BLAKEY: I was not present when the proposition was made.

Mr. WILMOT: In the course of my argument, for the purpose of enforcing the propriety of my amendment, I presented certain considerations that seemed to me to be entitled to weight, to wit: that gentlemen who come here representing no party-having no constituencies-were not entitled to vote for their states upon this floor. That was the simple proposition that I made. Now, I desire that the facts be inquired into. Will it be pretended that thirty gentlemen meeting at the city of Baltimore, not delegates from the counties of the state, but gentlemen assembling together-have a right to represent and select twenty delegates ?

Mr. ARMOUR: Will you allow me to correct you?

Mr. WILMOT: Certainly.

Mr. ARMOUR: There has existed in Baltimore city, for a number of years, a Republican association. That association, in obedience to the call of the National Executive Committee,

issued calls for the Republicans of Maryland to meet in Baltimore, at such a time specified in the call, for the purpose of nominating an electoral ticket and sending delegates to this Convention. When that Convention met every Congressional district in the State of Maryland was represented. [Applause.] There were gentlemen from the eastern shore and the western shore-from the extreme east to the extreme west. There were, perhaps, only thirty-five or forty delegates; but there were at least 150 or 200 Republicans in the Convention. Baltimore city sent only eleven delegates, and therefore she was entitled to only eleven votes, yet the hall was full of Republicans. My town is full of Republicans, and I wish to say in reference to the remark of Judge Wilmot, that we have no party in Maryland, I have the assurance of a gentleman, and know it to be true, that in my town-which polls only about 900 votes—we can poll 300 votes at the next election, nearly half the votes of the town-not of the district. That is all I have to say.

Mr. WILMOT: The explanation that the gentleman has made, if it does anything, would enforce the propriety of my motion. What I have desired is that the committee should investigate this subject and report the facts in respect to these states. That is what I have desired. If Maryland be properly represented here; if there be a party in Maryland, whether great, large or small, that stands as an organized party in the field, that is the point; not that there may be Republicans scattered over the state. There may be a majority in the town in which the gentleman lives. There may be individual Republicans scattered over that state in every county, but have they combined together in a Republican organization, and do they come here representing an organized party? This is the question I desire this committee to inquire into, and that is the very object of the motion. The committee might report that Maryland was entitled to her senatorial votes on this floor, and that she was entitled to a vote from such and such a district. If they so reported upon the facts

before them I shall be willing to accept that report. So too, as to Virginia, if the committee reported that certain districts. in Virginia took regular action as an organized party and elected their delegates, and were entitled to so many votes in virtue of the delegates from such districts, I should be willing to accept that report, and in addition, I should stand ready to give them the two electoral votes of their state. So in respect to Texas. But what are the facts about her, gentlemen? I speak of it upon nothing but rumor and as a rumor -I don't assert the fact, for I know nothing about it—but I am told that the gentlemen who are here from Texas, or a majority of them, are not residents of the state at all, and that they have no Republican organization in that state. It may be said that the delegates of Oregon are not residents of that state. But we know that Oregon has a formidable party-a minority it is true; but we know that they held a regular State Convention, and that they elected their delegates regularly, and that some of those gentlemen have given deputations to certain distinguished gentlemen here, and that these gentlemen are entitled to their seats; so if Texas has held a regular convention and elected her delegates, and they find it inconvenient to attend as delegates, and they have deputed others to represent them, then, gentlemen, they are entitled to seats upon this floor. But if there has been no convention -no movement in Texas, if nothing having the semblance of a party has taken action in the State of Texas, and certain gentlemen are here for the purpose of controlling this result, then I say it is mischievous, it is demoralizing; it will break up any party under God's Heaven. Will the distinguished gentleman, a candidate before this Convention, or rather his friends, consent that they shall be overslaughed or defeated by the votes of gentlemen representing no party, by gentlemen having no constituents? Will the friends of the candidate which Pennsylvania will present submit to such a procedure? If they do, it would be extremely hard-it would be difficult to enforce submission. This was the object of my proposition. I wish, gentlemen, instead of indulging in

declamation and rhetorical flourishes, in appeals to the ashes of Washington, had consented to meet the question fairly by argument. I raised no question with the good gentleman from Maryland as to who has dared more or suffered more in this cause. I concede to him and his associates the palm of victory in that. But if every Republican who has suffered in the cause of freedom is to come in to settle this question, then the little territory of Kansas can control this Conventionunder that rule she has the right to control it. She has poured out her blood freely in this cause. The graves of our murdered sons are scattered all over her territory. If the question is as to those who have suffered in the cause of Republicanism, who have been mobbed, and those are to come here and control this Convention, then let us adjourn and invite Kansas to come here in a body, man, woman and child, and let them say whom the Republican party shall nominate as candidate for President. The simple question is, are all the "good men" here from Virginia, Maryland, Texas and certain other districts as representatives, or are they here as individual Republicans? I don't question their Republicanism. I have no doubt upon that point. I did not intimate that they had been purchased by money; I cast no imputations upon their integrity; but this I do assert, that if this precedent be adopted, that at the next Convention the sympathies or the anxiety of friends to secure their candidate may be employed to secure delegations here from every state of the Union, not because there is a party there to represent, but because the anxiety of the friends of candidates will bring men here. Would it be difficult to find twelve men in the State of Tennessee who are Republicans? I doubt not if inducements were held out to them they could come here from Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and all the southern states. Then what would be the result? Instead of requiring 304 votes, you would have to require that there should be 400 votes. Why require 400, or why require 304, except that you have already virtually demoralized the Convention? If you have men here who do not represent an organized party at home, they should

not cast votes for their states for a Republican President. It was for the purpose of inquiry, not to proscribe or disfranchise anybody, that my motion was made.

MR. MONTGOMERY BLAIR, of Maryland: Will you permit a delegate from Maryland to say one word. I wish merely to say to the Convention-[Voices "Louder!"] I can only make myself heard over a small space. But I must say one word, and that is, so far as my feelings are concerned, and of a large majority of those with whom I am associated on this floor, the sentiments uttered by the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania meet our entire accord. [Applause.] We wish no larger voice in this deliberation than the gentlemen of the Convention with whom we are associated shall deem our members and those whom we represent entitled to have on this floor. [Cheers.] We do not come here, (and I speak for myself and, I believe, a large portion of those representing slave states on this floor,) we do not wish to stand here as dictating to those who have to elect the candidates. We are willing, we ask only to be heard, and if permitted we will give our votes in the direction which we think ought to be taken by the Convention; but we do not wish, and we will endeavor so to act-and I am sure I represent the sentiments of those who are associated with me-upon this point as not to give any controlling voice in the Convention. [Applause.] That is all I have to say upon the subject. I would be glad to have some action, if the Convention deem it necessary, taken upon the point which the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania has, I think, timely made before this body, and I therefore second his motion. [Applause.]

Gov. CLEVELAND, of Connecticut: I regret exceedingly the remarks of the gentleman from Maryland, Mr. Montgomery Blair; I can see imminent danger in this movement now made, and I look upon it as unfortunate. We are here to-day with high hopes of victory-with almost the assurance of victory. We should remember that in consequence of the