See Journal.

THURSDAY, May 15.

The report relating to the department of foreign affairs was taken up, and, after some discussion of the expediency of raising the salary of the secretary, Congress adjourned.

See Journal.

No Congress.

FRIDAY, May 16.

SATURDAY, May 17.

MONDAY, May 19.

Spent in debating the report recommending provision for tories, according to the provisional articles of peace.

TUESDAY, May 20.

On the proposal to discharge the troops who had been enlisted for the war, (amounting to ten thousand men,) from the want of means to support them,

Mr. CARROLL urged the expediency of caution; the possibility that advantage might be taken by Great Britain of a discharge both of prisoners and of the army; and suggested the middle course, of furloughing the troops.

Mr. DYER was strenuous for getting rid of expense; considered the war at an end; that Great Britain might as well renew the war after the definitive treaty as now; that not a moment ought to be lost in disburdening the public of needless expense.

Mr. RUTLEDGE viewed the conduct of Great Britain in so serious a light, that he almost regretted having voted for a discharge of prisoners. He urged the expediency of caution, and of consulting the commander-in-chief. He accordingly moved that the report be referred to him for his opinion and advice. The motion was seconded by Mr. IZARD.

Mr. CLARK asked whether any military operation was on foot, that the commander-in-chief was to be consulted. This was a national question, which the national council ought to decide. He was against furloughing the men, because they would carry their arms with them. He said we were at peace, and complained that some could not separate the idea of a Briton from that of cutting throats.

Mr. ELLSWORTH enlarged on the impropriety of submitting to the commanderin-chief a point on which he could not possess competent materials for deciding. We ought either to discharge the men engaged for the war, or to furlough them. He preferred the former.

Mr. MERCER descanted on the insidiousness of Great Britain, and warmly opposed the idea of laying ourselves at her mercy that we might save fifty thousand dollars, although Congress knew they were violating the treaty as to negroes.

Mr. WILLIAMSON proposed that the soldiers be furloughed. Mr. CARROLL seconded him, that the two modes of furlough and discharge might both lie on the table.

By general consent this took place.

The report as to confiscated property, on the instructions from Virginia and Pennsylvania, was taken up, and agreed to be recommitted, together with a motion of Mr. MADISON, to provide for the case of Canadian refugees, and for settlement of accounts with the British; and a motion of Mr. HAMILTON to insert, in a definitive treaty, a mutual stipulation not to keep a naval force on the lakes.40

WEDNESDAY, May 21, and THURSDAY, May 22.

See the Secret Journal for these two days. The passage relating to the armed neutrality was generally concurred in for the reasons which it expresses.

The disagreements on the questions relating to a treaty of commerce with Russia were occasioned chiefly by sympathies, particularly in the Massachusetts delegation; with Mr. Dana; and by an eye, in the navigating and ship-building states, to the Russian articles of iron and hemp. They were supported by South Carolina, who calculated on a Russian market for her rice.41

FRIDAY, May 23.

The report from Messrs. Hamilton, Gorham, and Peters, in favor of discharging the soldiers enlisted for the war, was supported on the ground that it was called for

by economy, and justified by the degree of certainty that the war would not be renewed. Those who voted for furloughing the soldiers, wished to avoid expense, and at the same time to be not wholly unprepared for the contingent failure of a definitive treaty of peace. The views of the subject, taken by those who were opposed both to discharging and furloughing, were explained in a motion by Mr. MERCER, seconded by Mr. IZARD, to assign as reasons, first, that Sir Guy Carleton had not given satisfactory reasons for continuing at New York; second, that he had broken the articles of the provisional treaty relative to the negroes, by sending them off.

This motion appeared exceptionable to several, particularly to Mr. Hamilton; and rather than it should be entered on the Journal by yeas and nays, it was agreed that the whole subject should lie over.

The report relative to the department of foreign affairs being taken up, Mr. CARROLL, seconded by Mr. WILLIAMSON, moved that no public minister should be employed by the United States, except on extraordinary occasions.

In support of the proposition, it was observed, that it would not only be economical, but would withhold our distinguished citizens from the corrupting scenes at foreign courts, and, what was of more consequence, would prevent the residence of foreign ministers in the United States, whose intrigues and examples might be injurious both to the government and the people.

The considerations suggested on the other side were, that diplomatic relations made part of the established policy of modern civilized nations; that they tended to prevent hostile collisions by mutual and friendly explanations; and that a young republic ought not to incur the odium of so singular, and it might be thought disrespectful, an innovation. The discussion was closed by an adjournment till Monday.

MONDAY, May 26.

The resolutions on the Journal instructing the ministers in Europe to remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes—also those for furloughing the troops — passed unanimously.42

No Congress.

TUESDAY, May 27, and WEDNESDAY, May 28.

THURSDAY, May 29.

The report of the committee concerning interest on British debts was committed, after some discussion.

FRIDAY, May 30.

The debates on the report recommending to the states a compliance with the fourth, fifth, and sixth of the provisional articles were renewed; the report being finally committed, nem. con. See Secret Journal.

The report, including the objections to interest on British debts, was also agreed to, nem. con.; not very cordially by some who were indifferent to the object, and by others who doubted the mode of seeking it by a new stipulation.13

See Journal.

MONDAY, June 2, and TUESDAY, June 3.

WEDNESDAY, June 4.

The report of the committee for giving to the army certificates for land was taken up. After some discussion of the subject, - some members being for, some against, making the certificates transferable, it was agreed that the report should lie on the table.

For what passed in relation to the cession of vacant territory by Virginia, see the Journal.

Whilst Mr. Hamilton's motion relating to Mr. Livingston, secretary of foreign affairs, was before the House, Mr. PETERS moved, in order to detain Mr. Livingston in office, that it be declared, by the seven states present, that the salary ought to be augmented. To this it was objected-first, that it would be an assumption of power in seven states to say what nine states ought to do; second, that it might insnare Mr. Livingston; third, that it would commit the present, who ought to be open to discussion when nine states should be on the floor. The motion of Mr. Peters being withdrawn, that of Mr. Hamilton was agreed to.44

See Journal.

THURSDAY, June 5.

FRIDAY, June 6.

The report as to the territorial cession of Virginia, after some uninteresting debate, was adjourned.

MONDAY, June 9.

Not states enough assembled to form a Congress. Mr. CLARK signified to those present, that the delegates of New Jersey being instructed on the subject of the back lands, he should communicate the report thereon to his constituents.45

TUESDAY, June 10.

The report on the cession of Virginia was taken up. Mr. ELLSWORTH urged the expediency of deciding immediately on the cession. Mr. HAMILTON joined him, asserting at the same time the right of the United States. He moved an amendment in favor of private claims. Mr. CLARK was strenuous for the right of the United States, and against waiting longer; (this had reference to the absence of Maryland, which had always taken a deep interest in the question.) Mr. GORHAM supported the policy of acceding to the report. Mr. FITZSIMMONS recommended a postponement of the question, observing, that he had sent a copy of the report to the Maryland delegates. The president was for a postponement till the sense of New Jersey be known. The Delaware delegates, expecting instructions, were for postponing till Monday next. It was agreed, at length, that a final vote should not be taken till that day - Mr. MADISON yielding to the sense of the House, but warning that the opportunity might be lost by the rising of the legislature of Virginia.

Mr. HAMILTON and Mr. PETERS, with permission, moved for a recommitment of the report, in order to provide for crown titles within the territory reserved to the state. Mr. MADISON objected to the motion, since an amendment might be prepared during the week, and proposed on Monday next. This was acquiesced in. It was agreed that the president might informally notify private companies and others, as well as the Maryland delegates, of the time at which the report would be taken into consideration.

The order of the day for appointing a secretary of foreign affairs was called for, and none having been put in nomination, the order was postponed. Mr. BLAND then nominated Mr. Arthur Lee. Mr. GORHAM nominated Mr. Jefferson, but being told he would not accept, then named Mr. Tilghman. Mr. HIGGINSON nominated Mr. Jonathan Trumbull. Mr. MONTGOMERY nominated Mr. George Clymer. It was understood that General Schuyler remained in nomination.

See Journals, secret and public.

WEDNESDAY, June 11..

THURSDAY, June 12.

The instruction in the Secret Journal, touching the principles, &c., of the neutral confederacy, passed unanimously.

The resolution, as reported by the committee, being in a positive style, and eight states only being present, the question occurred whether nine states were not necessary. To avoid the difficulty, a negative form was given to the resolution, by which the preamble became somewhat unsuitable. It was suffered to pass, however, rather than risk the experiment of further alteration.46

FRIDAY, June 13.

The mutinous memorial from the sergeants was received and read. It excited much indignation, and was sent to the secretary at war.47

No Congress.

MONDAY, June 16.

TUESDAY, June 17.

The day was employed chiefly in considering the report on the Journal relative to the department of finance. Some thought it ought to lie on the files; some, that it ought to receive a vote of approbation, and that the superintendent should, for the period examined, be acquitted of further responsibility. Mr. GORHAM, particularly, was of that opinion. Finally, the report was entered on the Journal, without any act of Congress thereon, by a unanimous concurrence.15

Nothing done.

WEDNESDAY, June 18.

THURSDAY, June 19.

A motion was made by Mr. WILLIAMSON, seconded by Mr. BLAND, to recommend to the states to make it a part of the Confederation, that, whenever a fourteenth state should be added to the Union, ten votes be required in cases now requiring nine. It was committed to Mr. Williamson, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Madison. The motion had reference to the foreseen creation of the western part of North Carolina into a separate state.

Information was received by Congress, from the executive council of Pennsylvania, that eighty soldiers, who would probably be followed by the discharged soldiers of Armand's Legion, were on the way from Lancaster to Philadelphia, in spite of the expostulations of their officers, declaring that they would proceed to the seat of Congress and demand justice, and intimating designs against the bank. This information was committed to Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Ellsworth, for the purpose of conferring with the executive of Pennsylvania, and taking such measures as they should find necessary. The committee, after so conferring, informed Congress that it was the opinion of the executive that the militia of Philadelphia would probably not be willing to take arms before their resentments should be provoked by some actual outrage; that it would hazard the authority of government to make the attempt; and that it would be necessary to let the soldiers come into the city, if the officers who had gone out to meet them could not stop them.

At this information Mr. IZARD, Mr. MERCER, and others, being much displeased, signified that, if the city would not support Congress, it was high time to remove to some other place. Mr. WILSON remarked, that no part of the United States was better disposed towards Congress than Pennsylvania, where the prevailing sentiment was, that Congress had done every thing that depended on them. After some conversation, and directing General St. Clair (who had gone out of town) to be sent for, and, it appearing that nothing further could be done at present, Congress adjourned. The secretary at war had set out for Virginia yesterday. It was proposed to send for him, but declined, as he had probably gone too great a distance, and General St. Clair, it was supposed, would answer.

FRIDAY, June 20.

The soldiers from Lancaster came into the city under the guidance of sergeants. They professed to have no other object than to obtain a settlement of accounts, which they supposed they had a better chance for at Philadelphia than at Lancaster. See the report of the committee on that subject.

The report of the committee (see the Journal) on the territorial cession of Virginia being taken up, and the amendment on the Journal, proposed by Mr. M'HENRY and Mr. CLARK, being lost, Mr. BEDFORD proposed, that the second condition of the cession be so altered as to read, "that, in order to comply with the said condition, so far as the same is comprised within the resolution of October 10, 1780, on that subject, commissioners, as proposed by the com'mittee, be appointed, &c.," and that instead of " for the purposes mentioned in the said condition," be substituted “agreeably to that resolution." In support of this alteration, it was urged by Mr. M'HENRY, Mr. BEDFORD, and Mr. CLARK, that the terms used by Virginia were too comprehensive and indefinite. In favor of the report of the committee, it was contended, by Mr. ELLSWORTH, that the alteration was unreasonable, inasmuch as civil expenses were on the same footing of equity as military, and that a compromise was the object of the committee. Sundry members were of opinion, that civil expenses were comprised in the resolution of October 10, 1780. Mr. BLAND and Mr. MERCER acceded to the alteration proposed; Mr. MADISON alone dissented, and therefore did not insist on a call for the votes of the states. Mr. M'HENRY moved, but without being seconded, "that the commissioners, instead of deciding finally, should be authorized to report to Congress only."

In the course of the debate, Mr. CLARK laid before Congress the remonstrance of New Jersey, as entered on the Journal.

As the report had been postponed at the instance of the president and other delegates of New Jersey, in order to obtain this answer from their constituents, and

as the remonstrance was dated on the 14th of June, and was confessed privately by Mr. to have been in possession of the delegates on Monday last, an unfairness was complained of. They supposed that, if it had been laid before Congress sooner, the copy which would have been sent by the Virginia delegates might hasten the opening of the land-office of that state. Mr. CLARK said, there were still good prospects, and he did not doubt that the time would yet come when Congress would draw a line, limiting the states to the westward, and say, "Thus far shall ye go, and no farther."

Mr. BEDFORD moved, that, with respect to the fourth and fifth conditions of the cessions," it be declared, that Clark and his men, and the Virginia line, be allowed the same bounty beyond the Ohio as was allowed by the United States to the same ranks." This motion was seconded by Mr. Congress adjourned without debating it; there being seven states only present, and the spirit of compromise decreasing.

From several circumstances, there was reason to believe that Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, if not Maryland also, retained latent views of confining Virginia to the Alleghany Mountains.

Notice was taken by Mr. MADISON of the error in the remonstrance, which recites "that Congress had declared the cession of Virginia to be a partial one." 49

SATURDAY, June 21.

The mutinous soldiers presented themselves, drawn up in the street before the state-house, where Congress had assembled. The executive council of the state, sitting under the same roof, was called on for the proper interposition. President DICKINSON came in, and explained the difficulty, under actual circumstances, of bringing out the militia of the place for the suppression of the mutiny. He thought that, without some outrages on persons or property, the militia could not be relied on. General St. Clair, then in Philadelphia, was sent for, and desired to use his interposition, in order to prevail on the troops to return to the barracks. His report gave no encouragement.

In this posture of things, it was proposed by Mr. IZARD, that Congress should adjourn. It was proposed by Mr. HAMILTON, that General St. Clair, in concert with the executive council of the state, should take order for terminating the mutiny. Mr. REED moved, that the general should endeavor to withdraw the troops by assuring them of the disposition of Congress to do them justice. It was finally agreed, that Congress should remain till the usual hour of adjournment, but without taking any step in relation to the alleged grievances of the soldiers, or any other business whatever. In the mean time, the soldiers remained in their position, without offering any violence, individuals only, occasionally, uttering offensive words, and wantonly pointing their muskets to the windows of the hall of Congress. No danger from premeditated violence was apprehended, but it was observed that spirituous drink, from the tippling-houses adjoining, began to be liberally served out to the soldiers, and might lead to hasty excesses. None were committed, however, and, about three o'clock, the usual hour, Congress adjourned; the soldiers, though in some instances offering a mock obstruction, permitting the members to pass through their ranks. They soon afterwards retired themselves to the barracks.

In the evening Congress re-assembled, and passed the resolutions on the Journal, authorizing a committee to confer anew with the executive of the state, and, in case no satisfactory grounds should appear for expecting prompt and adequate exertions for suppressing the mutiny, and supporting the public authority, authorizing the president, with the advice of the committee, to summon the members to meet at Trenton or Princeton, in New Jersey.

The conference with the executive produced nothing but a repetition of doubts concerning the disposition of the militia to act unless some actual outrage were offered to persons or property. It was even doubted whether a repetition of the insult to Congress would be a sufficient provocation.

During the deliberations of the executive, and the suspense of the committee, reports from the barracks were in constant vibration. At one moment, the mutineers were penitent and preparing submissions; the next, they were meditating more violent measures. Sometimes, the bank was their object; then the seizure of the members of Congress, with whom they imagined an indemnity for their offence might be