the executive power the true representative of the intellectual portion of regenerated France.

M. Guizot having only limited his restrictive exception to the higher branches of instruction, we much regret that he has not acted on broader principles as to improvements in the royal colleges: his request of precise reports from these institutions made us expect something more in this respect.

The silence which M. Guizot has preserved in his law project, as well as the rule of moderation which he imposes on himself as to the higher branches of instruction, induces us to believe that the Minister of Public Instruction has reasons for this policy which are beyond our penetration. The conviction which we have before expressed of the radical errors in these two branches of education, and of the equally radical reforms which they require, forbids us to blame delays, which are excusable, if they proceed from motives which we are willing to suppose, and which cannot long continue to be obstacles under a minister so active as M. Guizot. There is, however, in the law a measure which tends to abate the grievance which presses heavily on indigent parents, whose children, owing to the great expense, are at present excluded from the royal colleges-we mean the superior elementary schools, designed to form an intermediate grade between the colleges and the present elementary schools. The price of admission into these establishments, as may be seen in the law of public instruction, is very moderate *; and the system of teaching is established upon a basis which combines practical utility with moral instruction. It is thus that the education of the superior elementary schools adds

'to the knowledge indispensable to all men, the knowledge useful to many the elements of practical geometry, which are the foundation of all the mechanical professions; the notions of physics and natural history, which familiarize us with the great phenomena of nature, and are so fertile in salutary instruction of all kinds; the elements of music, or at least of singing, which give to the soul a true internal culture; geography, which teaches us the divisions of the earth; history, through which we cease to be strangers to life, and to the destiny of our species; above all, the history of our country, which is our mirror, not to speak of such of the modern languages as may be most useful.'—(M. Guizot in his Exposition of Motives.)

The design of these new establishments appears to us excellent, not only because they occupy, as the minister says, a middle place between the royal colleges and the elementary schools; but also because they introduce into public instruction certain branches of knowledge hitherto neglected, though the evidence of their utility has long since been admitted.

*From 200 to 300 francs per annum.

The law renders the establishment of superior elementary schools obligatory upon all communes having a population of six thousand souls and upwards; consequently in a short time France will reckon many hundred institutions of this kind. The circumstance is so much the more to her honour, as she will set the first example of making by law provision for the teaching of useful knowledge to the industrious classes*. Unquestionably it will be difficult in many places to find instructors, whose character and capacity will answer to the demands of the law; and no doubt the spirit of local routine will also oppose numerous obstacles to the ameliorations proposed by the government, in which many well-meaning but ignorant people will see nothing but a vexatious interference with traditional habits. But if there is a case where the state can legitimately oppose itself to local privileges, it is where these privileges are exercised in favour of a narrow prejudice to the injury of an interest so vitally affecting the whole community, as that of public instruction; for it is a principle that cannot be too often repeated, that the only foundation of a well-ordered society is the moral and intellectual education given to all the members who compose it.

By the new law, poor parents are only exempted from paying the communal instructor of inferior primary schools. But in every superior primary school, payment is required; except in the case which we shall presently mention.

In a good system of public instruction, it is desirable that, independently of the moral education, the children of all classes should not receive an equal amount of intellectual education, but a degree of instruction proportionate to their wants; that is to say, reasoning on the actual state of society, proportionate to the condition of their parents; a condition which, in the majority of cases, is very likely to be that of the children. The law acts wisely in establishing inferior elementary schools for the children of all classes, superior elementary schools for the lower classes of tradesmen and the higher class of mechanics, and royal colleges for youths, whose families can furnish the means of bringing them up to the liberal professions. This system is satisfactory, we allow, in most cases, and especially in those where the assumption, which supposes the faculties of the son equal

* In Germany, where the establishments for public instruction are the most complete in Europe, schools of industry are still wanted. This fact, which has been pointed out by M. Cousin, is confirmed by the remarkable work of Baron von Wangenheim, entitled 'Die Wahl vom Freiherrn von Wangenheim zum Abgeordneten. Tübingen,' 1832. We shall say nothing of England, where everything in regard to public instruction, as far as the government is concerned, remains yet to be created.

to those of the father, is in harmony with actual experience. But where this assumption is disproved by the evidence of indisputable facts; where persevering zeal and a predilection for science mark a decided capacity for a profession of a different kind from that which social necessity seems to impose-in such a case, which we admit to be an exception, but still an important one, is it not a sacred duty of the government to break down the barrier which excludes a youth from those places of instruction where his higher faculties would receive their proper development ?

This weighty question, which involves all that is valuable in the principle of social equality, has been solved, partially at least, in most civilized countries, in a manner favourable to humanity and social improvement.

We wish for no other example to strengthen our opinion than the different states of Germany, where a system of grants in money, and other privileges, skilfully combined with the resources of the state, the provinces, and the communes, enables the most meritorious children of the labouring classes to pass from the elementary schools and gymnasia to the university; on leaving which, another institution, that of political examinations, (staats examen,) continues this act of social benevolence, and classes them, according to their merits, among the candidates from whom the state chooses its functionaries. Something similar may be said of the Public Schools and the Universities of England, so far as they are open. The son, even of poor parents, if he shows decided talent, may, by passing through some of the public schools, attain the means of removing to those colleges where every thing is open to competition; and in this way he may, as many have done, raise himself to the highest political or scientific rank. The great fault of the English system is the religious test which at present excludes from the universities all who are not of the Anglican church.

In lieu of all these beneficent and highly liberal institutions, France has only the system of money-grants (bourses) for admission into the royal colleges; a system which, as we have shown, has been considerably limited in its operation by many successive votes of the Chamber of Deputies. And again, these grants have been disposed of, under the Restoration at least, in a manner which, in no degree, answered the end for which they were instituted.

This last consideration, added to the exclusion of poor youths from the colleges, has justified the reduction of these grants. This reduction indeed may be defended on good grounds, and we do not object to it, provided it is not in

tended thereby to maintain the anti-social maxim-of the state preventing children from rising above the condition of their parents; a doctrine which we consider hostile to the true interest of the human race, and which we should not notice here, if we had not more than once had the pain of hearing it advocated by honourable men sincerely attached to their country.

But this objection excepted, we rejoice that the chamber has struck out from the law all that appeared to give colour to this odious maxim. It has established the principle, that poor children who distinguish themselves in the course of their elementary studies shall be admitted gratuitously to the superior elementary schools, and thus receive that degree of instruction of which their natural faculties, and their ardour for science, may render them worthy. However incomplete this measure may be, since the law does not extend the privilege of free admission to the royal colleges, we have at least the pleasure of considering it as a progress.

The principles laid down in the law on public instruction as to private elementary schools, and freedom of teaching, are deserving of all praise: We are,' says the minister, the foremost to patronise the freedom of education; we cannot have too many co-operators in the noble and difficult enterprise of amending popular instruction. All that will contribute to this end is sure to experience from us the greatest protection.' The law very wisely requires teachers to submit to an examination in order to ascertain their capacity; we only wish that it had, at the same time, defined, in a precise manner, the duties of examiners and the kind of examination to which the candidates must submit. Without exact regulations on these points, it is to be feared that local prejudices will sometimes operate so as to cause the rejection of competent teachers, whose peculiar opinions may be displeasing to the Committee of Examiners. It should also have appeared on the face of the law, that the requiring all teachers to have a certificate, or permission to teach, has no other object than to secure a guarantee of capacity. This intention would have been sufficiently clear, if it had been declared that certain titles previously obtained, such as that of bachelor of arts, precluded the necessity of examination.

It yet remains for us to notice the inferior public elementary schools, which, by the provisions of the law, are to be established in every commune. The state of things under the Empire and the Restoration was so bad and incomplete; there was in certain departments and localities so little reliance to be placed on the good will and resources of the

communes and private associations, that an imperative law for all the communes of France seemed indispensably necessary. We have already asserted, that the interference of the state in the communal administrations, when it is directed to a subject so nationally important as public instruction, is a legitimate one; but after this question is settled, comes that of the amount of restraint to be imposed on local freedom. The law is silent on this head, we know not for what reason, but we will attempt to supply the deficiency. Two points of view present themselves to the Minister of Public Instruction. Ought he to imitate the example of certain German governments, who, when the chances of war placed them in possession of the provinces of the Rhine, finding the schools of that country in a miserable state, resolved to introduce, at any price, a system of public instruction better adapted to the state of knowledge, and to the educational institutions of the rest of Germany, and hesitated not to take violent measures in order to force the parishes and individuals to aid in executing the views of the government? It is true that these measures were crowned with success, and that the benefits which resulted from them at length stopped the complaints of interested parties; and at this hour, in many of the provinces on the borders of the Rhine, the attention of the stranger is directed by the inhabitants with feelings of pride to their school-houses; to their schoolmaster, honourable and honoured; to their youthful population initiated in all knowledge useful to the poor, and to individuals who have done honour to the institutions. these advantages are indisputable; but many rulers would shrink from the risk of that temporary irritation and discontent, by which it was necessary to purchase them. Suppose, for instance, about the year 1820, a commotion in Europe had excited these provinces to discuss the rights of their government over them, would not the violence exercised even for the diffusion of knowledge have figured amongst their most grievous complaints against their new masters? And let us further ask, whether it would be expedient for the actual government of France to excite, even temporarily, the same hostility? Would not a series of incomplete but progressive measures be more likely to succeed ultimately? This system, more moderate, more cautious, but perhaps more sure, is that which M. Guizot has acted upon. The demands which he makes on the communes are not considerable; they consist, as may be seen in the thirteenth Number of the Journal of Education (p. 150), first, of a house conveniently disposed to serve not only for the dwelling of the

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