words without meaning; which is, in effect, to nothing. The Chriftian paftors, in this cafe, would have been under the neceffity of explaining the fcriptures to fuch an one; that is, of convey ing the meaning of fcripture to him in their own words, and then of requiring his affent to the scripture thus explained; or to their own words ufed as explanatory, which amount to the fame thing. And whenever the words of fcripture convey different and oppofite ideas, to the perfons whofe duty it is to require fubfeription, and to those who are injoined to subscribe, one of these methods muft be ufed, if the abfurdity of requiring fubfcription to unmeaning words is to be avoided.

Now that the profeffors of Chriftianity are divided in their interpretation of the New Teftament, it is the fame thing (with regard to the matter of fubfcription) as if there were more than one New Teftament; and each party muft require fubfcription to their formulary, upon the fame principle as fubfcription was required to the words of the apoftles only, whilft the interpretation of thofe words was uniform. To fuppofe the contrary, is to imagine that words are fomething befides the figns of our ideas; fomething independent of the meaning they convey. If, then, it is the duty of any Christian church to require fubfcription to the Bible of those who are candidates for the miniftry; it is their duty to require this fubfcription to the fenfe in which they understand the Bible; for thefe are not properly two things with respect to any church, but are, in effect, the fame.

Thus the neceffity of human formu Jaries may be deduced from the plaineft principles of Christianity and common fenfe and he muft not have thoroughly confidered this matter, who efteems them as impofitions upon the confciences of mankind, when they are defigned merely to interpret the Chriftian's only rule of faith, the Bible.

Before I conclude these observations, give me leave to make a remark or two upon the petitions prefented to parliament the laft fellion, for relief from fubfcription to the thirty nine articles. That from the clergy of the establishment, be ing founded upon this principle, That all human formularies are an ufurpation of the authority of Chrift, and confequently unlawful, had its foundation in a miftake. The defence of this principle, pu

blished in their proposals [xxxiii. 633.]. is full of ambiguity: for in that paper these two different pofitions are continually confounded: 1. That it belongs to the right of private judgement for every one to determine for himself what is the meaning of fcripture; or, in other words, of what church he will be a member; which no true Proteftant will deny: 2. That no church can require of her minifters a fubfcription to any human formulary, or confeffion of faith; which is the fame thing as to fay, that no church can require a teftimony of affent to the doctrines contained in the fcriptures; and this is manifeftly falfe.

The public papers inform us, that the petitioning clergy are now attempting to obtain an alteration of the articles and liturgy of the church. I cannot say that I with them fuccefs, (I mean with respect to any confiderable alteration), because I believe the prefent eftablished doctrines of the church to be agreeable to the true meaning of the holy feriptures: yet truth obliges me to acknowledge, that fuch a defin is not clogged with the abfurdities which attended the late attempt to deftroy all subscription but to the words of fcripture. I am,

An Impartial Member of the
Church of England,

SIR, Fanuary 1773. Am a country-gentleman, originally bred to the law; and finding the bar not answer my expectations, have retired to improve a small eftate at no great distance from Edinburgh. This gives me an opportunity of ftepping into town fometimes, and converfing with my former acquaintance: by this means I bear what paffes; and when I return home, think of it with fome attention.

The late bankruptcies have been alarming, and afforded matter of fpeculation for the prefs and the public.

Politics have now taken the field; and although they are not of fuch univerfal confequence as the general bankruptcies, they are often the rife of many evils, and leave flings behind them not easily cured. The moft flourishing manufacturing towns in our neighbouring country, are those who have no reprefentatives in parlia ment; and the most opulent and independent gentlemen, are those who take no share in politics. In the whole fyftem of this general disease, there is not any one thing that is like to be more fatal in

its confequences, to the fecurity of our Land-rights, and the property of this country, than the practice that has for fome time prevailed of splitting valuations, and creating nominal qualificatons for voting to ferve a job. Numbers of fenfible men, in the heat of party, have been induced to do it; but no wife man that ever tried it, but when he comes to think coolly, will tell you he'll Dever do it again, if he can but get the fcattered parts of his estate restored and put together: and yet it is amazing, to cbferve how many are deluded into it at every return of a general election. The evil at first was much confined; and after a falatary law made a good many years ago by a great lawyer, afterwards an eminent judge, had fettled the rules of dections on general principles, and cut of a great harvest of litigation that preceded that falutary law, then it was, that my brethren of the gown fet their incation to work to bring fresh grift to the mill, by splitting of valuations, and explaining away the truft oath. At first, gentlemen confined their manoeuvres of fplitting within their own families, and contented themselves with giving fictitrous votes to fecond fons, brothers, and other near connections; now it is gone fo far, that the minifters of the gofpel are made barons by these fictions, and fome of them are the foremost to swallow oaths of truft and poffeffion at county-meetings [xxxiv. 636.]. It is matter of regret, that the gentlemen who go to parliament, do not for their own ease attend to this abufe, and procure a law to put a stop to it. There is no denying, that it is a more eafy matter to deal with a few gentlemen of fubftantial interest in a county, than to run about to numbers forced in upon them, that have no other intereft than fo many fheets of parchment for their territory. It has been obferved, the neceffary requifite for a qualification by our conftitution is rather too high; and if fo, why not obtain a law to fix it at a lefs valuation? I have heard, that a worthy gentleman lately in parliament, and now a judge, did frame an act to this purpose, and for reftraining all splittings, except in cafes of actual folid fales made to onerous purchasers; and yet, that by the partial connections of a few members with fome Noble families who oppofed this act, cold water was thrown upon it, and it dropped, to the fhame of fuch as were inftruments in so doing,

There was another evil attempted at the laft general election, which I am informed is now become more general and alarming to the gentlemen of the different counties, on whofe free choice elections formerly depended; and that is, by the feveral Noble families of large eftates in the different counties, who are otherwife by law discharged from interfering in the election of commoners, their improving this splitting plan, and splitting their whole eftates, to overpower the private gentlemen of property in each county; fo that in a few years we fhall fee applications made, not to the gentlemen of a county, but to any Noble family that has property enough within it, which, when split, fhall be fufficient to overpower all the other gentlemen of the county: and fo this part of our constitution, that was formerly in the hands of private gentlemen of property, fhall go into the hands of a few Noble families throughout the kingdom.

It has been faid, Why should not Noble families have the use of their property as well as private gentlemen? The argument is at firft fight specious, but neither conclufive nor folid. This is an use of their property that never was intended by the conftitution, but directly the contrary. They have by the conftitution their own province, with which private gentlemen cannot interfere; and this ufe of their property was never dreamed of till of late, that a ftretch for power, and the invention of lawyers, (often hurtful to the constitution), introduced it: and if it go on, all the counties in the kingdom will be represented by a fon, a brother, or a connection of thofe families, with no other intereft in the county but their connection, and a few fkins of parchment; whereas the influence of thofe families in fuch matters fhould depend on different principles; their civility, hofpitality, friendfhip, and good offices cultivated among the country gentlemen; and not the difcharge of their weight of metal around them, in confequence of a modern device of lawyers, fubverfive of the conftitution, and contrary to the genius of it.

The firft ftretch of this kind was made by a Noble family in one of the more northern counties of this kingdom, several years ago, when I attended the bar. A private gentleman oppofed the family; and the county had spirit to fupport him; he carried his point; and to thrust him

out

words without meaning; which is, in effect, to nothing. The Chriftian paftors, in this cafe, would have been under the neceffity of explaining the fcriptures to fuch an one; that is, of convey ing the meaning of fcripture to him in their own words, and then of requiring his affent to the scripture thus explained; or to their own words ufed as explanatory, which amount to the fame thing. And whenever the words of fcripture convey different and oppofite ideas, to the perfons whofe duty it is to require fubfeription, and to those who are injoined to fubfcribe, one of these methods muft be ufed, if the abfurdity of requiring fubfcription to unmeaning words is to be avoided.

Now that the profeffors of Chriftianity are divided in their interpretation of the New Teftament, it is the fame thing (with regard to the matter of fubfcription) as if there were more than one New Teflament; and each party must require fubfcription to their formulary, upon the fame principle as fubfcription was required to the words of the apoftles only, whilft the interpretation of those words was uniform. To fuppofe the contrary, is to imagine that words are fomething befides the figns of our ideas; fomething independent of the meaning they convey. If, then, it is the duty of any Christian church to require subscription to the Bible of thofe who are candidates for the ministry; it is their duty to require this fubfcription to the fenfe in which they underftand the Bible; for thefe are not properly two things with refpe&t to any church, but are, in effect, the fame.

Thus the neceffity of human formu Jaries may be deduced from the plaineft principles of Christianity and common fenfe and he must not have thoroughly confidered this matter, who efteems them as impofitions upon the confciences of mankind, when they are defigned merely to interpret the Chriftian's only rule of faith, the Bible.

Before I conclude thefe obfervations, give me leave to make a remark or two upon the petitions prefented to parliament the last session, for relief from fubfcription to the thirty nine articles. That from the clergy of the eftablishment, be ing founded upon this principle, That all human formularies are an ufurpation of the authority of Chrift, and confequently unlaw ul, had its foundation in a miftake. The defence of this principle, pu

blifhed in their proposals [xxxiii. 633 ]. is full of ambiguity: for in that paper these two different pofitions are continually confounded: 1. That it belongs to the right of private judgement for every one to determine for himself what is the meaning of scripture; or, in other words, of what church he will be a member; which no true Proteftant will deny: 2. That no church can require of her minifters a fubfcription to any human formulary, or confeffion of faith; which is the fame thing as to fay, that no church can require a teftimony of affent to the doctrines contained in the scriptures; and this is manifeftly falfe.

The public papers inform us, that the petitioning clergy are now attempting to obtain an alteration of the articles and liturgy of the church. I cannot say that I with them fuccefs, (I mean with respect to any confiderable alteration), because I believe the prefent established doctrines of the church to be agreeable to the true meaning of the holy fcriptures: yet truth obliges me to acknowledge, that fuch a defin is not clogged with the abfurdities which attended the late attempt to deftroy all subscription but to the words of fcripture. I am,

An Impartial Member of the
Church of England,

SIR, Fanuary 1773. Am a country-gentleman, originally bred to the law; and finding the bar not answer my expectations, have retired to improve a fmall eftate at no great diftance from Edinburgh. This gives me an opportunity of ftepping into town fometimes, and converfing with my former acquaintance: by this means I hear what paties; and when I return home, think of it with fome attention.

The late bankruptcies have been alarming, and afforded matter of speculation for the prefs and the public.

Politics have now taken the field; and although they are not of fuch univerfal confequence as the general bankruptcies, they are often the rife of many evils, and leave flings behind them not easily cured. The most flourishing manufacturing towns in our neighbouring country, are those who have no reprefentatives in parlia ment; and the most opulent and independent gentlemen, are those who take no share in politics. In the whole fyftem of this general disease, there is not any one thing that is like to be more fatal in

its confequences, to the fecurity of our land-rights, and the property of this country, than the practice that has for fome time prevailed of splitting valuations, and creating nominal qualifications for voting to ferve a job. Numbers of fenfible men, in the heat of party, have been induced to do it; but no wife man that ever tried it, but when he comes to think coolly, will tell you he'll never do it again, if he can but get the fcattered parts of his eftate reftored and put together: and yet it is amazing, to obferve how many are deluded into it at every return of a general election. The evil at first was much confined; and after a falutary law made a good many years ago by a great lawyer, afterwards an eminent judge, had fettled the rules of ections on general principles, and cut off a great harveft of litigation that preceded that falutary law, then it was, that my brethren of the gown fet their invention to work to bring fresh grift to the mill, by splitting of valuations, and explaining away the truft oath. At first, gentlemen confined their manoeuvres of fplitting within their own families, and contented themselves with giving fictitious votes to fecond fons, brothers, and other near connections; now it is gone fo far, that the minifters of the gofpel are made barons by these fictions, and fome of them are the foremost to swallow oaths of truft and poffeflion at county-meetings [xxxiv. 636.]. It is matter of regret, that the gentlemen who go to parliament, do not for their own ease attend to this abufe, and procure a law to put a stop to ,it. There is no denying, that it is a more eafy matter to deal with a few gentlemen of fubitantial interest in a county, than to run about to numbers forced in upon them, that have no other intereft than fo many sheets of parchment for their territory. It has been obferved, the neceffary requifite for a qualification by our conftitution is rather too high; and if fo, why not obtain a law to fix it at a less valuation? I have heard, that a worthy gentleman lately in parliament, and now a judge, did frame an act to this purpose, and for reftraining all splittings, except in cafes of actual folid fales made to onerous purchafers; and yet, that by the partial connections of a few members with fome Noble families who oppofed this act, cold water was thrown upon it, and it dropped, to the fhame of fuch as were inftruments in fo doing,

There was another evil attempted at the laft general election, which I am informed is now become more general and alarming to the gentlemen of the different counties, on whofe free choice elections formerly depended; and that is, by the feveral Noble families of large eftates in the different counties, who are otherwise by law discharged from interfering in the election of commoners, their improving this fplitting plan, and fplitting their whole eftates, to overpower the private gentlemen of property in each county; fo that in a few years we shall fee applications made, not to the gentlemen of a county, but to any Noble family that has property enough within it, which, when split, fhall be fufficient to overpower all the other gentlemen of the county and fo this part of our conftitution, that was formerly in the hands of private gentlemen of property, fhall go into the hands of a few Noble families throughout the kingdom.

never

It has been faid, Why fhould not Noble families have the ufe of their property as well as private gentlemen? The argument is at firft fight fpecious, but neither conclufive nor folid. This is an ufe of their property that never was intended by the conftitution, but directly the contrary. They have by the conftitution their own province, with which private gentlemen cannot interfere; and this ufe of their property was dreamed of till of late, that a ftretch for power, and the invention of lawyers, (often hurtful to the conftitution), introduced it: and if it go on, all the counties in the kingdom will be reprefented by a fon, a brother, or a connection of those families, with no other intereft in the county but their connection, and a few fkins of parchment; whereas the influence of thofe families in fuch matters fhould depend on different principles; their civility, hofpitality, friendthip, and good offices cultivated among the country gentlemen; and not the dif charge of their weight of metal around them, in confequence of a modern device of lawyers, fubverfive of the conftitution, and contrary to the genius of it.

The first stretch of this kind was made by a Noble family in one of the more northern counties of this kingdom, feve ral years ago, when I attended the bar. A private gentleman opposed the family; and the county had fpirit to fupport him; he carried his point; and to thrust him

out

out again, the family split to their garden-walls but when the matter came to be tried, the measure appeared fo ftrong, it was in the end dropt, after a great expence incurred.

At the laft general election, some of these schemes fucceeded, and others were defeated, at a high expence. But in no inftance was the spirit of a county more to be applauded, than a northern one, who have always difcovered fpirit in attacks of that kind upon them. When they came to understand, that weapons of this nature were forming against them, they came to an unanimous resolution to oppose it, and not give a voice to any candidate who came with a created force to take away their freed m. This fpirited refolution, I have been informed, had the defired effect: and according to the ftrides which this evil has made, and the encouragement it fometimes meets with from rotten members of the community, there is no other remedy a county can take, but a fpirited measure of this kind, where they see their freedom attacked, till fuch time as the law receives an alteration, which it requires, to fupport our conftitution. I do not mean, as if a total negative was to be put on all connections of Noble families; what I mean is, that they should be made to depend on the free choice of the conftitutional electors, and their own merit, and not on the weight of their familyproperty, fuperinduced on gentlemen by a contrivance of law contrary to the conftitution.

Thefe thoughts I have thrown together, undigested, without order or method, in hopes that some one lefs rufted than I may take them up, and lay them in a better drefs before his country, as this growing evil is become very serious. I am, &c. A. B.

Meal-mobs on the banks of the Tay. ON Monday, Dec. 21. a great number of people, to the amount of 3 or 400, armed with axes, faws, durks, cudgels, &c. rofe, in the towns of New. burgh and Abernethy, and in the nighttime went to the houfe of Thomas Anderton at West Shore, Newburgh, where they inquired for Mr Donaldion, who appears to have been a principal object of their refentment; and upon being informed that he was not there, they obliged Anderfon to open all his lofts and cellars, to fee if there was any grain lod

ged there: but finding none, they fearch ed other three houses for Mr Donaldfor and grain of his, which they expected t find there; but found none. Next da they rofe again, and fearched fom houses and lofts on the East Shore Newburgh; but were equally unfuccef ful. On the Friday after, they aga rofe, at Newburgh, in the forenoon, the number of 60, and forced all th boats they could find at the fhore; wit which they went over the water to E rol Shore, where there was then a vefl loading with grain. When they lande they endeavoured to stop the shipping the grain, by pulling the facks from th fervants that were shipping it; but we prevented at that time by the ship's crev farmers, and farmers fervants; whe thinking themselves too weak, they we up to Errol, in order to perfuade the i habitants there to join them; but this they were unfuccefsful. Findi this fcheme fail them, they fent over boat to Newburgh for a reinforcement where ten more of their number join them, and came over; but were all r pulfed, and three of them much hu On Wednesday the 30th, they aga rofe at Newburgh, and unloaded mo part of a cargo of barley that was shi for London, fpilt a good deal of it, ai put the reft into a loft, where they w tered it, to prevent its being again thi ped.

The fame day another mob rose Perth, went to the fhore, and unload and carried off about forty bolls of ba ley that was fhipping there. The mag ftrates being informed of thefe procee ings, met, and used fome measures have them difperfed; but finding the ineffectual, the inhabitants, being a prehenfive of the fatal confequences th might enfue were not a speedy che put to fuch proceedings, infifted that party of the military should be called which the magiftrates at laft confented to and having repaired with them to t fhore, the mob immediately dispersed but by this time all the barley was ca ried off, except a few bolls. The fan night they broke into and pillaged t houfes of John Scott baker, Thom Swan, James Rentoul, David Prom foot, and William Bonnie, and carri from thence meal, money, and eve thing they could lay their hands on; a beat and bruifed one of thefe men in terrible manner. They likewife attac