Of the Prince's Submission to Laws, &c.

But it is neceffary to explain this Submiffion of the Prince to the Laws. First he ought, as we have just seen, to follow their Regulations in all the Acts of his Adminiftration. In the fecond Place, he is himself subject, in his private Affairs, to all the Laws that relate to Property. I fay in his private Affairs; for when he acts as a Sovereign Prince, and in the Name of the State, he is fubject to none but to the fundamental Laws, and the Law of Nations. In the third Place the Prince is fubject to certain Regulations of the general Polity, confidered by the State as inviolable, at least if he be not excepted by the Law in exprefs Terms, or tacitly by a neceffary Confequence of his Dignity. I would fpeak here of the Laws that relate to the Situation of People in Life, and particularly to the Validity of Marriages. Thefe Laws, which are established to afcertain the State of Families: Now the Royal Family is that of all others the most important to be certainly known. But fourthly, we shall obferve in general, with respect to this Question, that if the Prince is invefted with a full, abfo-Jute, and unlimited Sovereignty, he is above the Laws, which receive from him all their full Force, and he may difpenfe with his own Obfervance of them, whenever natural Juftice and Equity will permit him. Fifthly, as to the Laws relative to Manners and good Order, the Prince ought doubtless to respect them, and to fupport them by his Example. But fixthly, he is certainly above all Civil penal Laws. The Majesty of a Sovereign will not fuffer his being punished like a private Perfon; and his Employments are too fublime to admit of his being troubled under the Pretence of a Fault that does not directly concern the Government of the State.

It is not enough that the Prince be above the penal Laws: Even the Intereft of Nations requires that we should go fomewhat farther. The Sovereign is the Soul of the Society; if he be not held in Veneration by the People, and in perfect Security, the public Peace, and the Happiness and Safety of the State are in continual Danger. The Safety of the Nation then neceffarily requires, that the Perfon of the Prince ought to be facred and inviolable. The People of Rome bestowed this Privilege on their Tribunes, in order that they might meet with no Obstruction in defending them, and that the Discharge of their Of. fice might not be attended with Fear. The Cares, the Employments of a Sovereign are of much greater Importance, than those of

the Tribunes were, and not lefs dangerous, if they are unprovided with a powerful Defence. It is impoffible even for the most just and wise Monarch, not to make Malecontents; and ought the State to continue expofed to the Danger of lofing this Prince by the Hand of an Affaffin? The monstrous and foolish Doctrine that a private Perfon is permitted to kill a bad Prince, deprived the French, in the Beginning of the last Century, of an Hero who was truly the Father of his Country. Whatever a Prince may be, it is an enormous Crime against a Nation to deprive the People of a Sovereign, whom they think proper to obey.

But this high Attribute of Sovereignty is no Reason why a Nation fhould not curb an infupportable Tryant, call him even to an Account, refpecting in his Perfon the Majefty of his Rank, and withdraw itself from his Obedience. To this indifputable Right a powerful Republic owes its Birth. The Tryanny exercifed by Philip II. in the Netherlands, excited those Provinces to rife: Seven of them, closely confederated, bravely maintained their Liberties, under the Conduct of a Hero of the House of Orange, and Spain, who, after several vain and deftructive Efforts, acknowledged them Sovereign and independent States. If the Authority of the Prince is limitted and regulated by the fundamental Laws, the Prince on leaving the Bounds perfcribed him, commands without any Right, and even without a juft Title; the Nation, then, is not obliged to obey him; but may refift his unjust Enterprizes. As foon as he attacks the Conftitution of the State, the Prince breaks the Contract which bound the People to him; the People became free by the Acts of the Sovereign, and fee nothing in him but an Ufurper who would load them with Oppreffion. This Truth is acknow ledged by every fenfible Writer, whose Pen is not enslaved by Fear, or rendered venial by Intereft. But fome celebrated Authors maintain, that if the Prince is invested with fupreme Command in a full and abfolute Manner, nobody has a Right to refift him, much lefs to curb him, and that the Nation has no Refource left but to fuffer and obey with Patience. This is founded upon the Suppofition that fuch a Sovereign need not give an Account to any Per. fon of the Manner in which he governs, and that if the Nation might controul his Actions and refift him, where they were found to be unjust, his Authority would no longer be abfolute; which would be contrary to this Hypothefis. They say that an abfolute Sovereign poffeffes completely all the political Authority of the Society, in

which

which Nobody can oppose him; if he a bufes it, he does ill, indeed, and wounds his Confcience, but that his Commands are not the less obligatory, as being founded on a lawful Right to command: That the Nation by giving him abfolute Authority, had referved nothing to itself, and had fubmitted to his Diferetion, &c. We might fatisfy ourselves with anfwering, that in this Light there is not any Sovereign who is completely and fully abfolute. But in order to remove all these vain Subtilties, let us remember the effential End of Civil Society: Is is not to labour in concert for the common Happiness of all? Is it not with this View that every Citizen ftrips himfelf of his Rights, and refigns his Liberty? Was it in the Power of the Society to make fuch Use of its Authority as to deliver up itself, and all its Members, with out Relief, to the Difcretion of a cruel Tyrant? No, certainly, fince it had no Right itfelf, if it was disposed to it, to opprefs a Part of the Citizens. When it therefore conferred the fupreme and abfoJute Government, without an express Referve, it was neceffarily with the tacit Referve, that the Sovereign fhould use it for the Safety of the People, and not for their Ruin. If he becomes the Scourge of the State he degrades himself; he is no more than a public Enemy, against whom the Nation may and ought to defend itself; and if he has carried his Tyranny to the utmost Height, why should even the Life of fo cruel and perfidious an Enemy be spared? Who prefumes to blame the Roman Senate, that declared Nero an Enemy to his Coun try?

To which we hall likewife add our Au. thor's Defcription

Succours to give Succefs to his great Defign. The Nobles and the Representatives of the People form a Band of Confidence between the Monarch and the Nation, and concur with him in every Thing that concerns the Public Welfare; eafe him in Part of the Burden of Government; confirm his Power, and render him an Obedience the more perfect, as it is voluntary. Every good Citizen fees that the Strength of the State is really the Welfare of all, and not that of a fingle Perfon. Happy Conftitution! which they did not fuddenly obtain; it has coft Rivers of Blood; but they have not purchased it too dear. May Luxury, that Peft of Society, fatal to manly and patriotic Virtues, that Minifter of Corruption fo dangerous to Liberty, never overthrow a Monument that does so much Honour to human Nature; a Monument capable of teaching Kings, how glorious it is to rule over a free People!

If then in this Decoy, formed as it is with the most innocent Intention on the trite Maxim, that "Extremes touch," any Reader should find himself, by what carries

Page 14.

The English furnish us with an Example of this Kind highly worthy of Attention, That illuftrious Nation diftinguishes itself in a glorious Manner by its Application to every Thing that can render the State the moft flourishing. An admirable Conftitu. tion there places every Citizen in a Situa. tion that enables him to contribute to this great End, and every where diffufes a Spirit of true Patriotifm, which is zealously employed for the Public Welfare.. We there fee mere Citizens form confiderable Enterprizes; in order to promote the Glory and Welfare of the Nation. And while abad Prince would be abridged of his Power, a King, endowed with Wifdom nd Moderation, finds the most powerful

awares into a ferious Train of Thinking; if that Thinking produces even Indignation at any one's amufing himself no better than with reading fuch damned Stuff; or what is worfe yet, with writing it, in what Times too! Times than which never any could more loudly proclaim the Neceffity of exploding the abandoned Futility that fo ftrongly marks them, and reftoring that once fo juftly admired Solidity of the British Genius, which has feen itfelf fo infamously fupplanted by Duinefs, by Folly, falfe Wit, falfe Tafte, falfe Interefts, falfe Politics, and what is there not falfe among us? I fay, if I could catch any Reader daring to think in this Manner. "What then?” I would ay! that I would, fay So much the better for him,

is well worth Obfervation is, that this Prince, during the Course of the prefent War; as well as in the former, has laid no additional Tax upon his Subjects, and they now pay no more than they did in the Time of Peace: The Lofs of the Revenues of this Kingdom, and Provinces on the the Lower Rhine, are compenfated by the Contributions he raifes in Saxony, and the Subfidy from Great Britian. Befides, it is well known he is poffeffed of confiderable Treasures; his Troops are well exercifed, well difciplined, and still provided of every Neceffary; but above all, this Prince always makes the Campaign himself, directs

confidered, &c.

Great Britain is an Island, which, compar'd to France, in regard to Extent, is vaftly inferior. k contains between feven and eight Millions of Inhabitants, guarded by Nature: She cannot be attacked but by Sea, and confequently stands in need of no Fortreffes, nor is the obliged to entertain a great Number of Troops within he felf; and the Establishment of a Militia, which has lately been fet on Foot, adds to her Security. The Nation is fit for War, as well by Land as Sea, and notwithstanding the 'one she is now engaged in, her Commerce Aill flourishes; her Marine is formidable, the Government's Credit is unbounded, as well at home as abroad; he has not only delivered the States of Brunswick and Heffe, but has made confiderable Conquests in America. This is a faithful Picture of her Strength; now let us fee her weak Side: Her Public Revenues are very moderate, infomuch that the Money borrowed upon parliamentary Security is at least two Thirds of it required for carrying on the War; for the new Taxes are in great Part em. ployed in paying off the Interefts of their Loans; fo that it is to be apprehended thefe Bargains will weaken Public Credit; for it is certain, that the national Deht amounts to above 90 Millions Sterling: Befides, it is notorious, that he cannot raife the Number of Men she would, and it will be impoffible for her to fend an Army into Germany next Campaign equal to that of France. The Inland of Minorca is in the Hands of the Enemy, though it must be confeffed this Difadvantage is of no great Confequence; and her Commerce, tho' it be still flourishing, is neither fo lucrative nor extenfive as it would be in Time of Peace.

The Dominions of his Pruffian Majefty, not in the Hands of his Enemies, fcarce eel the Calamities of the War; and what

of the principal Enterprizes: By the Superiority of his Genuis, joined to his Activity, he is his own General, and his own Minifter. A Sovereign at the Head of his Army, befides being above the Jealousy of his Generals can in an Instant reflect, refolve, and command.

Revere the Medal, and we shall fee, that the Pruffan Troops are not now what they have been; and as they fuffered much la Campaign, they must employ a great Num ber of freth Recruits, for the Difficulty of finding Men will not permit them to be nice in the Choice; and all, which the King of Prussia shall be able to fend into the Field will amount fcarcely to half of what his Enemies are able to fend against him; the Theatre of the War is less extended fince Drefden has been in the Hands of the Auftrians; 'befides, Skill in the Military Art is not always fure to command Succefs; for Experience has often proved, that ap unexpected Event, a Chance, a Nothing, has rendered the best concerted Schemes abortive.

In cafting an Eye on the Situation of the belligerant Powers refpectively, and throw. ing France and England into political Scales, the latter must greatly preponderate, by her Power at Sea, in Africa, in Afia, but particularly in America: In Germany, indeed, they are nearly upon a Par, and the first Power has more to hope there, than to fear.

As to the State of Things between the Houfe of Auftria and Brandenburgb, upon a nice Comparison, we find a Kind of Inequality, that is, fome Advantage on the Side of the Emprefs-Queen; fo that by a Recpaitulation of all that has been faid, after weighing every Circuinitance, and making the nicest Observations on the different Parties engaged in this War, it may be faid, that the Ballance is not exactly poized, but leans a little on the Sile of England and Prufia,

REPUB