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armed with complete power to prevent or crush at once all insurrectionary

movements on the

part of the negroes, and able and disposed to maintain to the full the political and social ascendency of the former masters over their former slaves. It is not at all wonderful that the change of the relations of master and slave took place, under such circumstances, without violence and bloodshed, and that order and peace should have been since preserved. Very different would be the result of abolition, should it be effected by her influence and exertions in the possessions of other countries on this continent-and especially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the great cultivators of the principal tropical products of America. To form a correct conception of what would be the result with them, we must look, not to Jamaica, but to St. Domingo, for example. The change would be followed by unforgiving hate between the two races, and end in a bloody and deadly struggle between them for the superiority. One or the other would have to be subjugated, extirpated, or expelled; and desolation would overspread their territories, as in St. Domingo, from which it would take centuries to recover. The end would be, that the superiority in cultivating the great tropical staples would be transferred from them to the British tropical pos

sessions.

They are of vast extent, and those beyond the Cape of Good Hope possessed of an unlimited amount of labor, standing ready, by the aid of British capital, to supply the deficit which would be occasioned by destroying the tropical productions of the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and other countries cultivated by slave labor on this continent, so soon as the increased price, in consequence, would yield a profit. It is the successful competition of that labor which keeps the prices of the great tropical staples so low as to prevent their cultivation with profit in the possessions of Great Britain, by what she is pleased to call free labor. If she can destroy its competition, she would have a monopoly in those productions. She has all the means of furnishing an unlimited supply: vast and fertile possessions in both Indies, boundless command of capital and labor, and ample power to suppress disturbances, and preserve order throughout her wide domains.

It is unquestionable that she regards the abolition of slavery in Texas as a most important step towards this great object of policy, so much the aim of her solicitude and exertions; and the defeat of the annexation of Texas to our Union as indispensable to the abolition of slavery there. She is too sagacious not to see what a fatal blow it would give to slavery in the United States, and how certainly its abolition with us would abolish it over the whole continent, and thereby give her a monopoly in the productions of the great tropical staples, and the command of the commerce, navigation, and manufactures of the world, with an established naval ascendency and political preponderance. To this continent the blow would be calamitous beyond description. It would destroy, in a great measure, the cultivation and production of the great tropical staples, amounting annually in value to nearly $300,000,000-the fund which stimulates and upholds almost every other branch of its industry, commerce, navigation, and manufactures. The whole, by their joint influence, are rapidly spreading population, wealth, improvement, and civilization over the whole continent, and vivifying, by their overflow, the industry of Europe; thereby increasing its population, wealth, and advancement in the arts, in power, and in civilization.

Such must be the result, should Great Britain succeed in accomplishing the constant object of her desire and exertions the abolition of negro slavery over this continent; and towards the effecting of which, she regards the defeat of the annexation of Texas to our Union so important. Can it be possible that governments so enlightened and sagacious as those of France and the other great continental powers, can be so blinded by the plea of philanthropy as not to see what must inevi tably follow, be her motive what it may, should she succeed in her object? It is little short of mockery to talk of philanthropy, with the examples before us of the effects of abolishing negro slavery in her own colonies, in St. Domingo, and the northern States of our Union, where statistical facts, not to be shaken, prove that the freed negro, after the experience of sixty years, is in a far worse condition than in the other States, where he has been left in his former condition. No: the effect of what is call

Correspondence with Mexico and Texas.

ed abolition, where the number is few, is not to raise the inferior race to the condition of freemen, but to deprive the negro of the guardian care of his owner, subject to all the depression and oppression belonging to his inferior condition. But, on the other hand, where the number is great, and bears a large proportion to the whole population, it would be still worse. It would be to substitute for the existing relation a deadly strife between the two races, to end in the subjection, expulsion, or extirpation of one or the other: and such would be the case over the greater part of this eontinent where negro slavery exists. It would not end there; but would in all probability extend, by its example, the war of races over all South America, including Mexico, and extending to the Indian as well as to the African race, and make the whole one scene of blood and devastation.

Dismissing, then, the stale and unfounded plea of philer.thropy, can it be that France and the other great continental powers-seeing what must be the result of the policy, for the accomplishment of which England is constantly exerting herself, and that the defeat of the annexation of Texas is so important towards its consummation-are prepared to back or countenance her in her efforts to effect either? What possible motives can they have to favor her cherished policy? Is it not better for them that they should be supplied with tropical products in exchange for their labor, from the United States, Drazil, Cuba, and this continent generally, than to be dependent on one great monopolizing power for their supply? Is it not better that they should receive them at the low prices which competition, cheaper means of production, and nearness of market, would furnish them by the former, than to give the high prices which monopoly, dear labor, and great distance from market, would impose? Is it not better that their labor should be exchanged with a new continent, rapidly increasing in population and the capacity for consuming, and which would furnish, in the course of a few generations, a market nearer to them, and of almost unlimited extent, for the products of their industry and arts, than with old and distant regions, whose population has long since reached its growth?

The above contains those enlarged views of policy which, it seems to me, an enlightened European statesman ought to take, in making up his opinion on the subject of the annexation of Texas, and the grounds, as it may be inferved, on which England vainly opposes it. They certainly involve considerations of the deepest importance, and demanding the greatest attention. Viewed in connection with them, the question of annexation becomes one of the first magnitude, not only to Texas and the United States, but to this continent and Europe. They are presented, that you may use them on all suitable occasions, where you think they may be with effect; in your correspondence, where it can be done with propriety or otherwise. The President relies with confidence on your sagacity, prudence, and zeal. Your mission is one of the first magnitude at all times, but especially now; and he feels assured that nothing will be left undone on your part to do justice to the country and the government in reference to this great measure.

I have said nothing as to our right of treating with Texas, without consulting Mexico. You so fully understand the grounds on which we rest our right, and are so familiar with all the facts necessary to maintain them, that it was thought necessary to add anything in reference to it.

your obedient ser

Í am, sir, very respectfully. CALHOUN.

vant,

WILLIAM R. KING, esq., &c.

Mr. Shannon to Mr. Calhoun.
[Extract]

MEXICO, Oct. 28, 1844. SIR: Your despatch of the 10th September last reached me on the 12th instant; and, in compliance with your instructions, I lost no time in addressing to the Minister of Foreign Relations of this government a communication expressive of the views of the President of the United States in relation to a renewal of the war on the part of Mexico against Texas, and to the manner in which it is proposed to be conducted. Accompanying this despatch, you will find a copy of this communication, marked No. 1. I have received no reply, as yet, to this note, and cannot say when one may be expected. President Santa Anna is at his hacienda, near Jalapa; and until he can be heard from, no reply will be given. The uncertainty of the time when a reply will be

Senate and H. of Reps.

received has determined me to delay this despatch no longer.

[No. 1.]

Mr. Shannon to Mr. Rejon. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Mexico, October 14, 1844. The undersigned, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has the honor to inform his excellency M. C. Rejon, minister of foreign relations and government of the republie of Mexico, that the President of the United States has learned with deep regret that the Mexican government has announced its determination to renew the war against the republic of Texas, and is now engaged in extensive preparations with a view to an early invasion of its territory; and instructs the undersigned to protest, in the most solemn form, both against the invasion at this time, and the manner in which it is proposed to be conducted.

The orders of the commander of the army of the north, (General Woll,) issued on the 20th of June last, and the decree of the provisional President of Mexico, of the 17th of June, 1843, leave no noubt as to the manner in which the war is to be conducted. The decree makes the general-in-chief of division of the army, and the commandants-general of the coast and frontier, responsible for its exact fulfilment. It was under this responsibility, it would seem, that General Woll, to whom the Texian frontier was assigned, issued his order of the 20th of June.

After announcing that the war was renewed against Texas; that all communication with it must cease; and that every individual, of whatsoever condition, who may have communication with it, shall be regarded as a traitor, and, as such, punished according to the articles of war,-it states that every individual who may be found at the distance of one league from the left bank of the Rio Bravo will be regarded as a favorer and an accomplice of the usurpers of that part of the national territory, and as a traitor to Mexico, and, after a summary military trial, shall be punished accordingly. It also states that every individual who may be embraced in the foregoing, and who may be rash enough to fly at the sight of any force belonging to the supreme government, shall be pursued until taken or put to death.

In what spirit the decree of the 17th June, which the order is intended to fulfil, is to be executed, the fate of the party under General Sentmanat, at Tabasco, affords an illustration. Under it, they were arrested and executed, without hearing or trial, against the express provision of the constitution and the sanctity of treaties, which were in vain invoked for their protection.

If the decree itself was thus enforced, in time of peace, against the subjects of foreign powers, some faint conception may be formed of the barbarous and inhuman spirit in which the order of General Woll may be expected to be executed against the inhabitants of Texas, and all who may in any way aid their cause, or even have communication with them.

It was under a decree of a similar character, issued on the 30th October, 1835, but not so comprehensive or barbarous in its provisions, that the execution of Fannin and his party was ordered, in a former invasion. This decree was limited to foreigners who should land at any port of Mexico, or arrive by land, and having hostile intentions, or who should introduce arms or munitions of war to be used at any place in rebellion,or placed in the hands of his enemies. Highly objectionable as were its provisions, the order of General Woll, intended to carry out that of June, 1843, goes far beyond it. It embraces every individual who may be found east of a line drawn three miles east of the Rio Bravo, without distinction of age or sex, foreigners or citizens, condition or vocation. All, of every description, are to be treated as traitors. It proclaims, in short, a war of extermination; all are to be destroyed or driven out, and Texas left a desolate waste.

Such is the barbarous mode in which the government of Mexico has proclaimed to the world it is her intention to conduct the war. And here the inquiry naturally arises-what is her object in renewing at this time a war, to be thus conducted, which has been virtually suspended for eight years, and when her resources are known to be so exhausted as to leave her without the means of fulfiling her engagements? But one object can be assigned, and that is to defeat the annexation of Texas to the United States. She knows full well that the meas

28TH CONG.....2D SESS.

ure is still pending, and that the rejection of the treaty has but postponed it. She knows that when Congress adjourned, it was pending in both houses, ready to be taken up and acted upon at its next meeting, and that it is at present actively canvassed by the people throughout the Union. She is not ignorant that the decision will in all probability be in its favor, unless it should be defeated by some movement exterior to the United States. The projected invasion of Texas by Mexico, at this time, is that movement; and it is intended to effect it, either by conquering and subjugating Texas to her power, or by forcing her to withdraw her proposition for annexation, and, to form other connections less acceptable to her.

The United States cannot, while the measure of annexation is pending, stand quietly by, and permit either of these results. It has been a measure of policy long cherished, and deemed indispensable to their safety and welfare; and has accordingly been an object steadily pursued by all parties, and the acquisition of the territory made the subject of negotiation by almost every administration for the last twenty years. This policy may be traced to the belief, generally entertained, that Texas was embraced in the cession of Louisiana by France to the United States in 1803, and was improperly surrendered by the treaty of Florida in 1819; connected with the fact that a large portion of the territory lies in the valley of the Mississippi, and is indispensable to the defence of a distant and important frontier. The hazard of a conflict of policy upon important points between the United States and one of the leading European powers, since the recognition of Texas, has rendered the acquisition still more essential to their safety and welfare, and accordingly has increased in proportion the necessity of acquiring it. Acting under the conviction of this necessity, and the impression that the measure would be permanently defeated by a longer postponement, the President of the United States invited Texas to renew the proposition for annexation. It was accepted by her, and, as has been stated, is still pending. And here the question again recurs, Shall the United States quietly stand by, on the eve of its consummation, and permit the measure to be defeated by an invasion by Mexico? And shall they suffer Texas, for having accepted an invitation to join them, and consummate a measure alike essential to her and their permanent peace, welfare, and safety, to be desolated, her inhabitants to be butchered or driven out; or, in order to avert so great a calamity, to be forced, against her will, into other alliances, which would terminate in producing lasting hostilities between her and them, to the permanent danger of both?

The President has fully and deliberately examined the subject, and has come to the conclusion that honor and humanity, as well as the safety and welfare of the United States, forbid it; and he would accordingly be compelled to regard the invasion of Texas by Mexico, while the question of annexation is pending, as highly offensive to the United States. He entertains no doubt that they had a right to invite her to renew the proposition for annexation; and that she, as an independent state, had a right to accept the invitation, without consulting Mexico or asking her leave. He regards Texas, in every respect, as independent as Mexico, and as competent to transfer the whole or part of her territory, as she is to transfer the whole or part of hers. Not to insist on the unquestionable right of Texas to be regarded and treated in all respects as an independent power, on the ground that she has successfully rcsisted Mexico, and preserved her independence for nine years, and has been recognised by other powers as independent, it is only necessary to recur to the constitution of 1824, to show that she is perfectly entitled to be so regarded and treated. Under that constitution, she, with Coahuila, formed a separate State, constituting one member of the federation of the Mexican States, with a right secured to Texas, by the constitution, to form a separate State as soon as her population would warrant it. The several States of the federation were equal in rights, and equally independent of each other; and remained so until 1835, when the constitution was subverted by the army, and all the States which dared to resist were subjugated and consolidated into one, by force, except Texas. She stood up bravely in defence of her rights and independence, and successfully asserted them on the battle-ground of San Jacinto in 1836, and has ever since maintained them. The constitution, then, of 1824, made her independent, and her valor and her sword have since maintained

Report of the Secretary of War.

her so. She has been acknowledged to be so by three of the leading powers of Christendom, and ís regarded by all as such, except by Mexico herself. She neither now stands, nor ever has stood, in relation to Mexico as a rebellious province or department struggling to obtain independence after throwing off her yoke; much less as a band of lawless intruders and usurpers, without government or political existence, as Mexico would have the world to believe. On the contrary, the true relation between them is that of having been independent members of what was once a federal government, but now subverted by force; the weaker of which has successfully resisted, against fearful odds, the attempts of the stronger to conquer and subject her to its power. It is in this light that the United States regard her; and in that they had the right to invite her to renew the proposition for annexation, and to treat with her for admission into the Union, without giving any just offence to Mexico, or violating any obligation, by treaty or otherwise, between us and her.

Nor will our honor, any more than our welfare and safety, permit annexation to be defeated by an invasion of Texas while the question is pending. If Mexico has thought proper to take offence, is the United States, who invited a renewal of the proposition, and not Texas, who accepted the invitation, which should be held responsible; and we, as the responsible party, cannot, without implicating our honor, permit another to suffer in our place. Entertaining these views, our honor and interests being both involved, Mexico will make a great mistake if she supposes that the President can regard with indifference the renewal of the war which she has proclaimed against Texas.

But another, and still more elevated consideration, would forbid him to regard the invasion with indifference. Strong as the objections to it, of itself, are, in connection with existing circumstances, those to the manner in which it is proclaimed it will be conducted are still more so. If honor and interest forbid a tame acquiescence in the renewal of the war, the voice of humanity cries aloud against the proposed mode of conducting it. All the world have an interest that the rules and usages of war, as established between civilized nations in modern times, should be respected, and are in duty bound to resist their violation, in order to preserve them. In this case, that duty is pre-eminently ours. We are neighbors; the nearest to the scene of the proposed atrocities; the most competent to judge, from our proximity, and, for the same reason, enabled the more readily to interpose. For the same reason, also, our sympathies would be more deeply roused by the scenes of misery which would present themselves on all sides, not to mention the dangers to which we must be exposed, in consequence of an invasion so conducted, near a distant and weak frontier, with numerous and powerful bands of Indians in its vicinity.

If anything can add to these strong objections to the manner in which it is proclaimed the war will be waged, it is the fiction, regardless of the semblance of reality, to which the government of Mexico has resorted as a pretext for the decree of the 17th of June, 1843, and the orders of General Woll of the 20th of June last. Finding nothing in the conduct or people of Texas to justify their barbarous character, and palpable violation of the laws of nations and humanity, it has assumed, in wording them, that there is no such government or community as Texas; that the individuals to be found there are lawless intruders and usurpers, without political existence, who may be rightfully treated as a gang of pirates and outcasts from society, and, as such, are not entitled to the protection of the laws of nations or humanity. In this assumption the government of Mexico obstinately persists, in spite of the wellknown fact, universally admitted by all except itself, that the colonists who settled Texas, instead of being intruders and usurpers, were invited to settle there, first under a grant of the Spanish authority to Moses Austin, which was afterwards confirmed by the Mexican authority; and afterwards by similar grants from the State of Coahuila and Texas, which it was authorized to make by the constitution of 1824. They came there, then, as invited guests;-not invited for their own interests, but for those of Spain and Mexico, in order to protect a weak and helpless province from wandering tribes of Indians; to improve, cultivate, and render productive, wild and almost uninhabited wastes; and to make that valuable which was before worthless.

All this they effected at great cost and much danger and difficulty, which nothing but American en

Senate and H. of Reps.

ergy and industry, and perseverance could have overcome-not only unaided by Mexico, but in despite of the impediments caused by her interference. Instead, then, of a lawless band of adventurers, as they are assumed to be by the government of Mexico, these invited colonists became, in a few years, constituent portions of one of the members of the Mexican federation; and, since their separation, have established wise and free institutions, under the influence of which they have enjoyed peace and security; while the energy and industry, protected by equal laws, have widely extended the limits of cultivation and improvement. It is such a people, living under such institutions, successfully resisting all attacks from the period of their separation nine years ago, and who have been recognised and admitted into the family of nations, that Mexico has undertaken to regard as a lawless banditti, and against whom, as such, she has proclaimed a of extermination; forgetful of their exalted and generous humanity in refusing to exercise the just right of retaliation when, in a former invasion, victory placed in their hands the most ample means of doing so. The government of Mexico may delude itself by its fictions, but it cannot delude the rest of the world. It will be held responsible, not by what it may choose to regard as facts, but what are in reality such, and acknowledged so to be by all, save itself.

war

Such are the views entertained by the President of the United States in regard to the proposed invasion while the question of annexation is pending, and of the barbarous and bloody manner in which it is proclaimed it will be conducted; and, in conformity to his instructions, the undersigned solemnly protests against both, as highly injurious and offensive to the United States.

The undersigned, while making this protest and declaration, has been instructed at the same time to repeat to his excellency the Minister of Foreign Relations and Government of Mexico, what was heretofore communicated to him by the chargé d'affaires of the United States, in announcing the conclusion of the treaty,-that the measure was adopted in no spirit of hostility to Mexico; and that if annexation should be consummated, the United States will be prepared to adjust all questions growing out of it, including that of boundary, on the most liberal terms.

The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to renew to his excellency M. C. Rejon, Minister of Foreign Relations and Government of the republic of Mexico, the assurance of his distinguished consideration.

WILSON SHANNON.
Minister of Foreign Relations, &c.

To his Excellency M. C. REJON,

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR. WAR DEPARTMENT, Nov. 30, 1844. SIR: In fulfilment of an official duty, I have the honor to submit to you the annual report of the affairs of the War Department, embracing such suggestions and observations as my connection with its administration seem to authorize me in presenting for your consideration.

The functions of the War Department, comprehending not only the direction and the control of the military establishment, but also that of pensions and bounties for military service-of improvements of rivers and harbors-of the mineral lands and of all Indian affairs,-render the distribution of these duties among the several bureaus, besides a matter of great convenience, one of almost absolute necessity. And the wisdom of that administration which thus separated and distributed these various duties of the department, is every day manifesting itself by the efficiency, economy, and promptness with which the heads of the burcaus discharge their respective offices.

I refer you to the accompanying documents, (numbered from 1 to 10,) being the reports of the commanding general of the army, and of the officers at the head of the bureaus, for all details relating to the civil and military service of the depart

ment.

The military establishment of the United States has been organized for times of peace, with an eye to the closest economy in the public expenditure, without sacrificing the efficiency of the troops, but chiefly with the object of preserving and keeping up that military knowledge and discipline, without which a nation is never prepared to assert her own dignity, nor even to defend her soil from invasion,

28TH CONG.....2D SESS

except at great and unnecessary loss. Organization and discipline have always been the means of military power. In modern times, wealth, population, and skill in the mechanic arts, are necessary to enable a nation to sustain a serious and protracted contest with any of the great powers of the world. We are deficient in none of these elements. If our power is properly developed and directed, we shall be found fully able to cope with any nation. We have every materiel of war, except sulphur, in great abundance within our own territory, and the enterprise and well-established mechanical skill among our own citizens to construct its most formidable implements. A war, therefore, should our honor or safety demand it, would be a self-sustaining measure with us, bringing out the many natural resources of the country, keeping all the internal channels of trade in full activity, and creating a constant demand for every product of our domestic manufac

tures.

The regular force, consisting of eight regiments of infantry, four of artillery, and two of dragoons, is under the command of the major general of the army. Its disposition, condition, and movements, will be found in his report. If information more in detail should be required, it will be furnished by a reference to the registers and reports of the adjutant general.

I have had Fort Kent, in the Madawaska settlement, (our recent acquisition on the northeastern frontier,) occupied, so as to give the countenance and fostering protection of our government to its inhabitants, many of whom have not yet realized their being citizens of the republic. A road leading directly from Bangor to that fort, agreeably to a recent survey, which greatly diminishes the distance, is important and necessary as a military work, and should be constructed with a view also to great economy in public transportation. The expediency of the work, and the necessity of further attention by this department to our northeastern frontier, are not likely to be superseded by the final adjustment and demarcation of the treaty line, when we reflect that a contiguous foreign nation must unavoidably, for a portion of the year, make the circuit of that boundary in conducting the military intercourse between her different provinces.

I have had a military post established at Copper Harbor, on the extremity of the peninsula which juts out far into Lake Superior from the middle of its southern shore. Besides giving protection to the Indians and miners, and preserving order in a new settlement of such a mixed population, it forms one point in the new cordon, which the general extension of our settlements and the enlargement of our territories by Indian treaties are about rendering necessary to be established in accordance with the policy which has heretofore been adopted on our northwestern frontier. With two intermediate posts, between St. Peters, the head of navigation on the Mississippi river, and Copper Harbor, this new cordon will be complete. The Fur company's post, at La Pointe, near Fond du Lac, should be one; and the Portage, on the water communication between Lake Superior, near Fond du Lac and St. Peters, the other.

With a view to the policy to which I now advert, and to preserve the military posts already established upon our lake frontier, it is proper I should recommend the appropriation of funds to renew the buildings of Fort Gratiot, commanding the straits between Lake Huron and Lake St. Clair, and of Fort Brady at the Falls of St. Mary, upon the outlet of Lake Superior, originally constructed in haste and of slight and perishable materials. The usual liberal allowance for constructing military roads in the Territories can no where be more judiciously granted than for the country south of Lake Superior. When such communications shall be well opened, and a canal at the Falls of St. Mary-a work much urged upon us by national considerations-shall be constructed, this frontier would be capable of receiving supplies, and be well secured in a military point of view, besides the enhancement which would thereby be given to the value of the public lands, and the encouragement for their occupation by a mining and other population, possessing the skill and the capital to explore, develope, and bring into market the mineral treasures of the country.

The remounting of the second regiment of dragoons will enlarge the very best force for military service in the prairies-an indispensable duty now devolving on the government. As long as a foreign

Report of the Secretary of War.

territory makes so marked an encroachment into the natural boundary of our southwestern frontier, Fort Jesup, or a post in the rear of it upon the Sabine, must remain one of the most important military positions on any of our frontiers. In addition to the propriety of having a large force stationed there, it was increased by the necessary detention of the rifle regiment, preparatory to its being reconverted into the second regiment of dragoons, whose proper station is in the Indian country.

Without destroying the military departments, as established by a general order of the 12th day of July, 1842, and at the same time preserving the command and the control of the major general, commanding in chief, over the forces of the line, I have reinstated the two geographical divisions of the army. In making this reinstatement I have reserved, as convenient for military purposes, from the command of the generals of geographical divisions, the fourth department, commanded by Brevet Brigadier General Brady, and the ninth, at present commanded in Florida by Brevet Brigadier General

Worth.

The termination of the Florida war and the tranquillity which prevails there under the vigilant eye of the officer in command, have led to the withdrawal of most of the troops from that territory. They have generally returned to their former posts and garrisons. I feet assured that the instructions, which issued in conformity to your suggestions, from this department on the 18th day of October last, to the general commanding in Florida, will, without injurious delay, hasten the gradual and humane removal of the few Seminoles remaining in that country, so as to secure its people from every apprehension of change in that pacific disposition by which those Indians appear to have been governed since the termination of the war.

Efficiency and military spirit are much improved by keeping troops in mass. Central depots on healthy sites, whether forts or not, so that they are readily accessible from all points where the service of the regiment might be required, are the best locations for the barracks of troops. In several of the seacoast fortifications, the plan of defence has excluded, as barracks and quarters for the garrison, separate and exposed buildings; but, providing instead thereof, and in the body of the rampart, bomb-proof accommodations, designed to avail for the comfort, health, and safety of the troops, as well as for the proper defence of the works, under all the circumstances of actual warfare and of sieges. Proper and well-designed as the casemates no doubt are for these objects, I have nevertheless formed the opinion, from my limited personal observation, that it is advisable, in time of peace, to afford the assembled troops and the hospitals barrack establishments, on airy and spacious sites, separate from the forts. With this impression upon my mind-an impression which seems to prevail throughout the armyI would be remiss in my duty did I not express the hope that Congress may authorize and appropriate funds for the erection of barracks at the necessary points on the seaboard; care being taken that, by their location and construction, they shall not interfere with the proper purpose and action of the fortifications.

Connected with the subject of barracks and accommodations for the soldiers, I cannot omit the opportunity to recommend to Congress to authorize the substitution of the single iron for the double wooden bedstead, and the erection of buildings for religious worship and schools at all our permanent fortifications. The first would add to the comfort, health, and cleanliness of the soldier, and the two latter would certainly elevate his moral conditionan object to which the national legislature has so far benevolently and effectually attended, as to give to the rank-and-file of the army an elevation of character not to be found in the military service of other countries.

Of the horse, or light field artillery, we have now four companies well drilled and expert in their exercises, and yet defective in their organization. To make these companies fully efficient, and to enable them to receive all the instruction which so valuable an arm of the military service demands, and to afford the full and proper example to other portions of the army, it is necessary that legal authority should be given for the enlistment of a few additional men to each of these companies. The increase would be valuable, and the expense inconsiderable. It would obviate, too, the necessity of resorting to an expedient adopted in general orders of the 17th of October last, by the commanding general of the

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army, from his very proper and earnest desire to extend the peculiar instruction now imparted to those light companies of artillery by periodical changes in their regiments, and to have the number of men necessary at each school of exercise to manœuvre with a full, instead of a partial battery. The horse artillery is generally injudiciously stationed when in forts, for it is emphatically an arm for open field service. Superiority in horse artillery in the French revolutionary wars generally secured the victory. It is therefore an arm which cannot with impunity be neglected. It should be stationed in time of peace in the interior, or in the western States, where forage and horses are cheap, and where it would probably also serve to more advantage, as a model for forming spirited uniformed volunteer companies, that portion of the militia the most efficient and the more to be encouraged.

I visited the military academy at West Point during the examination, and must unite my commendations of this valuable institution to the many which have been so repeatedly bestowed upon it by all my predecessors. Its great prototype, the celebrated Polytechnique, the creation of that great and bold convention, which, with all its faults, showed that liberty in its very excesses still paid homage to mind and science-this school, so identified with the glory of France, and so instrumental in the diffusion of modern science, has been twice disbanded on account of its republican tendency; while ardent but jealous lovers of freedom in our own country attack the strongest, if not the only democratic element of our military system with, I apprehend, a mistaken and groundless charge of aristocratic tendency. The register of appointments of cadets affords ample testimony of the impartiality which follows the practice adopted by the department, in the nominations to the academy, and that a great portion of the selections are made from those conditions in our society the least likely to imbibe principles, in the course of a valuable education, at variance with the free republican institutions of the country. Neither should it be overlooked, that the knowledge and science acquired at the academy are equally and fairly diffused; and in very many and highly important instances, the graduates, whether they continue in the army, or are restored to private life, are engaged in the execution of civil and commercial works throughout the country.

Whilst, in my opinion, neither good sense nor sound policy can sustain a proposition to cut off the very principle of vitality from a military establishment, yet it must be admitted that the average supply of new members to an army must be made to depend upon its size; and it certainly should not be allowed much to exceed the annual number of casualties, causing vacancies in the service; otherwise the lower grade, if left open to it, would at times become so encumbered with numbers, as to close the avenue for future accessions and promotions. The tables of the adjutant general's office show that the average number of vacancies, from all casualties in the army, is about thirty; which, therefore, should be the limit of annual promotions from the academy, or of new appointments in the army. The vacancies are usually anticipated by attaching the graduates of the academy to the army as brevet second lieutenants. It is objected that the many graduates thus carried into the army by brevet commissions, have been so great as to swell that class of young officers, not very justly designated as "supernumerary," to a number unnecessary and burdensome upon the government. This would be true if all the officers belonging to regiments and companies were actually present and performing regimental duty; but the records of the adjutant general's office show that one officer is necessarily absent from each company to perform duty in the general staff, at the military academy, in the general recruiting service, &c., including also those on leave of absence, and a very few occasionally engaged on some special duty. When regard is paid to the officers thus drawn off, it will be found there is no redundancy; and the technical military term "supernumerary" is unjustly applied in our service, where all are attached, and actually engaged upon public duty.

The number of this class of officers depends upon casualties, and of course so vibrates as at times to have required appointments directly from civil life.

So long, therefore, as those brevet second lieutenants are actually necessary, and engaged in public service, and whilst it may be deemed the policy of the country to secure and preserve an amount of military skill and knowledge which might be diffused and employed with advantage and efficiency

28TH CONG.....2D SESS.

through a larger army, if our safety demanded the increase, I trust that public expedíency may be so brought to bear upon this subject as to save and continue those young officers in a profession for which they have been well and laboriously educated, and encouraged to enter by the institutions of their country.

What may be the effect of the reduction of the number of cadets appointed agreeably to the provisions of the recent act of Congress of 1st March, 1843, is yet to be discovered. If the consequences of that act, when fairly brought out, shall so dimin ish the classes of graduates that they will not be equal to the casual annual vacancies in the army, would it not be proper to pause, and suspend the adoption of any contemplated measure in relation to the brevet second lieutenants until it shall be ascertained by experience whether that class of young officers will not be gradually reduced, and finally absorbed, by the operation of the present law? I think such will be the ultimate effect, notwithstanding it may safely be admitted as a good rule to be established, not to permit the anticipation of more than the probable vacancies in the army in promoting a graduating class. This result may the more safely be relied upon, unless the present admirable system should be departed from, and graduation become a mere form incidental to, and necessarily following, an appointment as cadet. It is only while a high proficiency shall be rigidly exacted from each cadet, that this school will retain its reputation. If, however, a mistaken leniency shall ever be allowed to impair this, it will then no longer be a merit to graduate at this institution. Its reputation departing, true friends of science and learning would demand its disbandment.

In closing my remarks upon the academy, I cannot avoid the expression of my earnest desire that a joint committee of Congress may be appointed and enabled to visit and make a close and rigid inspection of the institution; to report its condition, and such amendments as they might deem to be expedient. If legislative engagements render the selection of such a committee impracticable, I think it would then be proper to restore to this department the authority to appoint an annual board of visiters.

I do not consider it to be disadvantageous in the military service of a republic to encourage resignations, thereby causing enough vacancies to afford reasonable opportunities of promotions. Advancement in rank is the best stimulant to the zeal of the promising officer. Without discussing the policy of a pension system, such as would arise from a halfpay or retired list, I shall venture the proposition that no army can ever endanger the republic, if its officers, after any term of years of service, again become simply private citizens. Expediency, therefore, leads to the eneouragement of resignations. This encouragement should be founded in justice to the faithful servant of the public. Twenty-five years continuous service is enough to exact from any man, and it may safely be assigned as a general limit of the greatest efficiency of an officer. It would also enable him to retire at a time of life when still young enough to enter upon other pursuits. I would, therefore, submit the proposition for the passage of a law entitling an officer, after twenty-five years good and faithful service, to a section of public land, and two years' furlough on full pay, with the condition, should he avail himself of this privilege, tnat his commission be vacated at the termination of his furlough. The officer thus voluntarily retiring would carry with him valuable information into the ranks of civil life, which might be applied to the instruction of the militia, and would always be available upon any emergency requiring the employment of military experience.

Officers of staff corps are unavoidably exposed, from the nature of their duties, to serious expenses, and cannot practise that economy in their living, or derive any of the advantages incident to fixed posts and stations. On these accounts, it is believed, the laws have given to such officers a slight increase of pay. When officers of the line are assigned to staff duties, they are exposed to the same causes of increased expense, but do not receive the increased pay. It is therefore suggested, as an act of justice, that provision should be made by law, granting to officers of the line the same pay, emoluments and allowances now given to officers of the same grade of the staff corps in which those officers of the line may be detailed for service.

The construction of the fortifications or permanent defences of the country is an essential branch of the military profession. In all countries it is the pecu

Report of the Secretary of War.

liar function of the engineers of the army. These works, costing great sums and requiring many years for their completion, ought, therefore, to be maturely devised with a view to the future as well as the present state of the country. Some of the larger works on the north Atlantic seacoast have been

no

completed; and at this moment the system of defence is so advanced that there is important post north of Cape Hatteras unprovided with the means of vigorous resistance against any insult from merely a naval force. Troops are not likely to be tempted to debark on any of the densely settled parts of our coast: if they were, I do not doubt that their first efforts would be directed to regain their ships. But in a national matter of this kind, where such immense interest are at stake, we should not desist short of the achievement of full security; nor should we be directed into any course which is without the sanction of experience. The policy of this system of defence by permanent fortifications is every day more impressively brought to the public mind by our rapid advancement in population and all the means of national wealth-by the increase of our large towns and cities, which everywhere, upon our frontier, and the gulf and sea coast, display the vigor of the country, and at the same time its exposure to foreign aggression. I therefore invite attention to some prominent positions in this system of national defence more essentially demanding the means of commencing the works.

Whilst Fort McHenry-a work of inferior force -is available to resist a particular kind of hostile attack upon Baltimore, it forms the only defence by fortification to that important city. The true defence and safety of Baltimore will, it is believed, be found in the erection of permanent works on Soller's Point Flats, about ten miles below the city. Let the proposed fort upon those flats be completed, and the inhabitants of that city will no longer have occasion to apprehend a second battle of North Point.

The resumption of the work upon Fort Delaware, at the Pea Patch, is anxiously desired by all those interested in the commerce and the country of the Delaware, in the defence of Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Newcastle, of the Delaware and Chesapeake canal, and of the Baltimore and Philadelphia railroad.

The sum of twenty thousand dollars, reappropriated at the last session of Congress, if it can be rendered available, would be sufficient for this important object for the ensuing year. But, upon turning to the phraseology of that appropriation, it will be found that its use is prohibited, unless "the title to the Pea Patch island shall be decided to be in the United States." As the question now stands, the presumption-resting upon the positive opinion of the Solicitor of the Treasury, strengthened by a judgment by default in the circuit court for the district of Delaware, and possession accordingly delivered to the authorities of the general governmentfairly arises that the title is, vested in the United States. But still there has not yet been a trial upon the merits, and of course no final judicial decision pronounced upon the title, so as to be a bar to a renewal of the controversy by a second ejectment.

It therefore rests with Congress to say whether the government shall continue satisfied with the presumption of title in its favor, and will remove the restriction upon the expenditure of the appropria

tion.

I renew the proposition for the general government to purchase from the State of New York, upon the terms liberally proffered by her, the important position upon Staten Island, immediately opposite to Fort Hamilton, and essential to the command of the main channel of approach to the city of New York. The occupation of this post should not remain with the State, but should be placed under the authority of the United States, because the military works indispensably required there are essentially national. This has already been recognised by the expenditure of the money of the general government in repairs of the batteries. With a view to effect this purchase, I concur in the suggestions made by the chief of the corps of engineers, for the sale or exchange of Fort Gansevoort, now rendered useless as a national work by the growth and encroachments of the city of New York.

The subsidence of the vast and expensive materials collected at the Rip Raps, for the construction of Fort Calhoun, having ceased, or nearly so, the present may be deemed a favorable time for Congress to encourage the renewal of that important work, designed to complete the defence of Hampton

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Roads, and to cover the entrance into the Chesapeake.

South of Cape Hatteras, sufficient has not been done. Some point on the southern shore of the State of Georgia, if fortified, would seem to afford an advantageous position for a refuge for our own vessels and cruisers, at the outlet of the Florida gulf, and would prevent its use for the same purpose by an enemy; and we would thereby gain alsowhat is a matter of deep concern-security from that dangerous influence which might be exercised over the black population by a hostile occupation.

Congress, by their act of the 17th June last, declared their intention, and appropriated funds for the commencement of the works, to erect fortifications on the Florida reef. Notwithstanding your prompt instructions to this department, the lateness of the passage of the law, the season of the year, and the necessity of a preliminary reconnoissance, if not of a very minute and detailed survey, would of course occasion some delay in the actual commencement of the work, under the appropriation of fifty thousand dollars. All the positions in the entire range of the Reef, including the Dry Tortugas group, having been thrown open by the law to the examination of this department, it imposes a duty of much official responsibility to select the proper site for the first work in this extensive scheme of fortification.

For the purpose of obtaining the necessary preliminary information, an officer of the engineer corps was ordered to proceed to the Reef and the Tortugas, and to enter upon the proper examinations, as far as his time would permit, of the more prominent positions within the limits prescribed by the act of Congress. A report, submitting the result of his labor and personal surveys, has been received within the last few days. The information thus communicated, leads to the opinion that the first work should be constructed either at the harbor of Key West or the Tortugas rock. Unless a more detailed survey, or future views of public utility, should produce a change of opinion, no time shall be lost in devising the plans and arranging the preparatory measures for the commencement of a work at the former island. Those plans shall be formed with a view to harmony in the general scheme of defence indicated by the language of the appropriation, and so designed as ultimately to include the Dry Tortugas.

Either of these points, if its fortification shall be completed, will be of vast advantage in a contest with a naval power, if our own naval force could keep command of the gulf. But whilst this latter was problematical, it would only have been building a Malta, or erecting a Gibraltar, to add to the superiority of an enemy, who, if master of the gulf, would easily starve the most devoted garrison, placed on a small and barren island, into a capitulation. If our naval force on the gulf should only be furnished from the seaports on the Atlantic, (which, for a long time, was admitted to be the case,) such in fact, notwithstanding the acknowledged prowess and devotion of that national arm of defence, would inevitably have been the destiny of a garrison on the Dry Tortugas. A report from this department to the executive, on the 5th December, 1840, was the first official announcement that our government had discovered its possession of other elements of naval power. Its existence had attracted your attention, and has since been recognised by Congress in the establishment of a naval depot at Memphis, with the wise forecast to bring into harmonious action with the permanent fortifications for the defence of the gulf coast, the maritime resources of the great West and Southwest. It cannot any longer be doubted that we can, at will, by the union of the engineer's work with this new succor from the Mississippi, become the strongest naval power on the gulf of Mexico, which is, emphatically, "OUR OWN SEA." This being conceded, a strong fortification, placed well in advance, so as to overlook, not only the vessels navigating the gulf, but every one doubling Cape San Antonio, would be the most powerful auxiliary to the steam force which we would have afloat in the gulf. With the small appropriation of $50,000 for commencing this work, but little could have been done towards its actual construction. A million of dollars would be a moderate expenditure for such fortifications as we should have on this Reet. The important positions on the shores of the gulf having been secured, or nearly so, there no longer exists any cause which should lead to a further delay in the commencement of a work of a class fully commensurate with the wishes of all those (but little, in

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ed, short of the whole people of the United Sates) who are interested in the commerce of the Gulf of Mexico.

While making allusion to our possession, upon the western waters, of elements to be employed in the defence of the Gulf of Mexico, I am justified, in regard to the union of action of the two military powers of the country, to suggest the expediency of forming, in ample time, depots of coal for the supply of such armed steam vessels as may be employed upon the coast.

Pursuing this interesting subject of the permanent defence of the commerce and possessions of our southern fellow-citizens upon the gulf, it cannot escape us that Dauphin island, at the mouth of Mobile bay, has heretofore attracted the attention of Congress, and has always been recognised by engineers as necessary and fit for the erection of a fortification. Whilst Fort Morgan defends the main channel of entrance, it leaves, without the means of resistance, a free passage to an enemy's steamships through the ample depth of water under Dauphin island. The introduction of armed steamers into naval expeditions will expose this bay and all our shoaler channels and entrances to the most serious attacks a modern and novel mode of warfare rendering the appeal for national protection to those southern waters the more serious and imperative. This remark proceeds from the conviction that, if > we shall ever be obliged by high national considerations to depart from that wise policy which leads us to maintain peace with all the world, the chief force of hostile aggression would be directed and made upon our southern frontier, where armed steam vessels would not be employed merely as auxiliary, but would constitute the principal power of attack and annoyance of the enemy.

I would invite attention to the propriety of organizing a small force of engineer troops, one company of sappers and miners; and for that purpose can do nothing better than refer to corresponding reports from this department and the chief engineer, heretofore made and communicated to Congress. They are a species of troops essential in sieges and other military operations during war; are necessary in time of peace for the preservation of the works of fortifications; and their employment in repairs of the works and constructions of engineers would be the means of much economy in public expenditure.

The ordnance corps, which not only prepares the arms for the regular service of the United States, but also those for arming the militia, is usefully and efficiently organized and conducted. A perfect knowledge of metallurgy, connected with great care and skill in their manufacture, will alone furnish adequate security for the safety of cannon. Men must have full confidence in their weapons, to use them with efficiency. A national foundry, if established, would afford means for trying and testing all the materials such as iron ores, coming from different sections of the country, and entering into the fabrication of cannon-and for making model guns, and further experiments on the strength and durability, as well as the best forms and dimensions of ordnance for both land and sea service. I do not propose its establishment with the view of breaking off the connection between the government and private workshops, but of regulating and perfecting that economical system of performing the public work in these shops, where competition brings the price to the lowest limit, and carries mechanical skill to the highest. It may be observed, too, that a national foundry, by establishing a standard of quality, cost, and proof, in the manufacture of cannon, would exercise a beneficial control in these respects over all private contractors, as is now done in the manufacture of small arms by means of the national armories. The private workers in gun metals would likewise derive important collateral advantages from the national establishment, because the results at all its trials and improvements would be thrown open to the public. A notional foundry is as necessary to the military service as a national armory; and its use and advantages are equally demanded by, and are as applicable to, the service of the navy as of the army. Every day's experience renders the expediency of the establishment the more obvious. A recent resort by the ordnance bureau to private foundries in Boston, under an order of my predecessor, issued for the purpose of making necessary experiments and trials of the nature, strength, and combination of different metals, and of alleged improvements in the proportions and the art of fabricating cannon, has been attended with much expense, but with such

1

Report of the Secretary of War.

practical and useful results, as to afford additional reason for my concurring in opinion with the numerous reports upon this subject, and expressing the hope that an appropriation may be made of the funds requisite for the purchase of a site, and the erection of the necessary buildings, limited in the first instance to a simple model foundry, but capable of the extension of the establishment in case of emergency.

The enlisted men in the erdnance corps, limited by law to 250, should be placed on the same footing with other enlisted men of the army, with regard to pensions allowed for disability occurring in public service. These men are employed as artificers, mechanics and laborers, but are enlisted, are governed by the rules and articles of war, and are drilled and exercised as soldiers. I cannot perceive the justice of the discrimination which excludes them from the benefits of the pension laws.

On the 17th of June last, at the close of the session of Congress, an act passed to continue for four years the pensions of certain widows of revolutionary officers and soldiers, without making the necessary appropriation to effect the benevolent purpose of the law. The pensions due on the 4th of September last, could not, therefore, be paid. It is only necessary to refer to this accidental omission to insure a provision by Congress to enable the pension bureau promptly to meet the demands upon it.

Keeping in view the provisions of the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1837, which imposed certain measures on this department in reference to the selection of sites for marine hospitals upon the western waters, it becomes my duty to remark, and invite the attention of Congress to the subject, that in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky, the proper local positions have been chosen, and the land purchased and paid for by the general government. In each of these cases it only requires an authorized disbursement of about $25,000 for each to give effect, by the erection of the buildings, to the humane purposes of the legislature.

My own impressions upon the effect of the law of the 14th April, 1818, which created the office of a commissary general of subsistence, and makes it the duty of that officer to supply the army by contracts, "unless, in particular and urgent cases, the Secretary of War should otherwise direct," would be entitled to but little weight, were they not sustained by the long experience of the present commissary general, whose zeal for the public interests induces him to press upon my attention the expediency of so modifying that act of Congress as to introduce a system of subsisting the troops either by purchases in open market, or by the present mode, by contracts, as may be deemed most conducive to public economy and the interests of the service. If it shall be the pleasure of Congress to make the alteration, and confide the trust to the hands of the appropriate officer, I feel well assured that the purchases of supplies would be made at less cost, and our citizens having the articles to sell would always receive prompt payment from the government. There would be no liability of an excess of supplies, nor of a failure of delivery, which often occurs when the prices of the articles unexpectedly increase after the execution of the contract; and the soldier would rarely, if ever, be exposed to the necessity of using rations deteriorated by having been kept, under contracts which provide for their delivery in anticipation of the time when they may be required for

use.

It frequently happens that troops are removed, and occasionally posts are abandoned; and in all such cases losses and expenses are thrown upon the government; and sometimes the necessity to make double purchases are forced upon it. All the articles of a soldier's ration being perishable, it is a great object that the supply, as to quantity and time of use, should approximate to the demand as nearly as practicable, and thus save expense to the government. The period which elapses between the giving out of a contract and its fulfilment, which sometimes is protracted to sixteen or eighteen months, is another reason for my urging the purchase of supplies at such times as they may be required.

These views are justified and fully sustained by the experience gained in the South during the late Seminole war, when purchases were made in open market, being "particular and urgent cases," at a cheaper rate, and of a better quality, than if they had been obtained by contracts. The proposed change would require no additional officers or clerks in the office of the commissary general of subsist

ence.

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Should it be the pleasure of Congress to enter into the consideration of the policy which produced the law of 15th of May, 1820, limiting the duration of the commissions of certain officers of the government to the period of four years, regard may well be paid to the view taken of this subject in the report of the paymaster general of the army. I shall merely remark that paymasters are the only military officers whose appointments are limited by law to a term of years; and so amply are the interests of the government otherwise protected, that in no instance since the passage of the act of May 15, 1820, has it been found necessary to resort to its provisions in refusing a renewal of the commission, for the purpose of relieving that branch of the service of an incompetent or unfaithful officer.

The mineral lands of the nation are every day coming more into public notice-disclosing their great extent and their important and valuable treasures. I would recommend the removal of all special restriction from the sale of those lands, leaving them under the same regulations with other public lands; being satisfied that the true object of the policy of the government will be best accomplished by the individual enterprise and energy which so distinctly mark the American character, and the fruitful and happy influences of which are manifested everywhere around the region of ores. Should this course be adopted, Congress would take care to guard the interests of those who have made locations, or received leases, agreeably to the established rules of the bureau to which the superintendence of those lands has been intrusted. Would not the fair acquisition and distribution of those lands by purchase, amongst individuals, be the means of carrying into this new country capital, population, and improvements, calculated readily to bring into market the rich products of the mines-highly valuable advantages, not likely to be gained by ingrafting upon the government a great and unprofitable monopoly, feudal in its character, and at variance with all our legislation and institutions?

The official report submitted by the chief of the corps of topograhical engineers presents a clear and full detail of the state of the civil and military works falling withing the control of this department. His attention to his duties led him to make a personal inspection of the greater part of these works during the past season; and a knowledge of their present wants and conditions can only be satisfactorily acquired by turning to his report.

The improvements of the western rivers and lake harbors have been prosecuted with vigor during the present year. Lessening the many perils of navigation, they will add to the wealth and strength of the country. These works should not be extended at one time; but, when once commenced, should never be abandoned until completed. A suspension of an incomplete work of the kind not only leads to a vast sacrifice in boats and machinery, but, during the incompleteness of the scheme of improvement, embarrasses the navigation, and may end in the entire unprofitable expenditure of the money appropriated. The importance of this class of works upon our chain of great northern lakes, and our extensive and broad rivers of the West, constituting the great high ways of our internal commerce, all seem to admit; and it is trusted that time and experience will lessen the contest upon the question of their nationality.

The Red river raft, whilst it is remarkable for its novelty, proves to be the most inflexible obstruction to navigation to be found upon any of our great rivers. The labor of the private contractor, and the skill of the engineer, seem to exhaust themselves in their endeavors to overcome the liability of this obstacle to annual reformation. It can alone be overcome by Congress persevering and placing in the hands of the proper bureau reasonable sums, to be expended annually, as the work proceeds, and may be found to be efficient.

The remarks in the report of the chief of the topographical bureau, in relation to the light-house structures upon the lakes, well deserve attention. The extremities of the harbor piers, or separate structure contiguous to them, are the best sites, and in many cases are used as such for the erection of light-houses. The end of the pier, therefore, has to be constructed with a view to become the foundation of the principal light-house; or, if it should be placed upon the fast land, it is then essential to the safety of the navigator that a secondary or beacon light should be erected on the end of the pier. Thus the different structures become blended; and both safety and durability, as well as economy, require that they should form parts of the same original de