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CHAPTER XL.

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-STATE OF FEELING IN EUROPE DURING JANUARY AND FEBRUARY

REGARDING AMERICAN AFFAIRS.

THE state of foreign feel-,, efforts of the orator. Mr. Seward is in faInterest in American

ing during January and vor of doing all those things which he has already Alirs.

assured us will not save the Union. He is ready to February was one of the

repeal the Personal Liberty acts which trench on outside features of the Secession movement

the policy of the Fugitive Slave law. He is willing .which, to a student of the momentous events to vote for the amendment of the Constitution deof 1861, formed not the least interesting epi- claring that henceforth it shall not be lawful to sode of the period. In a previous chapter, abolish Slavery by an act of Congress—an amendXIV.,] we reproduced the editorial com- ment utterly futile, since it can always be rescinded ments of some of the leading London and by the same power that enacted it. But, lastly, Paris journals during December and the early Mr. Seward is willing, when people have grown part of January. Without exception, they cool—that is, he says, in two or three years' timeregarded the Secession movement with dis- to consent to a Convention to consider any change favor, generally regarding it as a scheme for in the organic laws in regard to Slavery. And this

while the steamers of the United States return to founding a pure Slave Confederacy. As the revolution progressed, the interest of foreign- batteries ; while Charleston threatens Major Ander

New York disabled by shot fired from Charleston ers in our affairs increased so much so that,

son with an attack on a fort held by him for the by March 4th, the European press was en- United States ; and while the arsenals and forts of gaged in an active canvass of the entire sub- the Central Government, left to the care of separate ject in all its bearings, political, social, and States, are plundered and occupied as the result of moral, both to the United States and to the a declared secession. This is all that the official Old World. Our system of a Democratic adviser of the incoming President can suggest as a Confederacy was freely commented on, and remedy for dangers so urgent and so threatening. many were not slow to point to the approach- The thing which has happened is “impossible,' and ing dissolution of the Union as an evidence in two or three years we may have a Convention. · of the inherent instability of a Republican Alas ! in two or three years, for all that Mr. Seward

and his class seem inclined to do to prevent it, the Government.

There was, however, in United States will have drifted into a position not re-
English journalism, a spirit quiring, as now, only a manly resolution for their

deliverance, but beyond the reach of the boldest or
of sympathy with the

wisest of mankind to remedy it. In one thing we North of an unmistakable character; while

certainly agree with Mr. Seward--that if he is to be the South, up to March 4th, scarcely found a

accepted as a type of the would-be saviors of his respectable paper to give its cause even the

country, the Union is not likely to be saved, as he shadow of a defence. The London Times, says, ' by anybody in particular."" without committing itself to either section,

The same article, however, assumed, with laid its blows on both parties sturdily, and Mr. Seward, that any citizen, or any aggretold so much truth and untruth, in its over

gate of citizens, seeking to destroy a Governwrought and pungent way, as did not fail to ment, was guilty of treason to that Governgive offence equally to North and South. It ment. It stated the case thus forcibly: thus recurred to Mr. Seward's speech of Jan The American people have seen fit, acting as a uary 12th, (see pages 187–92:]

nation and in their collective capacity, to create a “ We do not see much to admire in the speech of Government possessing certain definite powers. Mr. Seward. It was meant, no doubt, to be a great The remaining functions of Government they have success, but fortune has not entirely seconded the left to be administered within certain territorial di

The London Times.

STATE

OF

FEELING

IN EUROPE.

493

visions called States, and to each of these Govern- | arising out of the schism of the Southern States, ments, acting within its proper powers, every Ameri- they well know that these perils originate, not from can citizen is bound to pay the same obedience as the application or misapplication of the Democratic the people of England do to the laws under which principle in South Carolina, Georgia or Virginia, but they live. Any individual citizen, therefore, seeking conspicuously and notoriously from its absence in to destroy this Central Government, is guilty of those States. The Southern States are not, and treason against it, and the same thing is true of any never were Democracies in any sense of the term. aggregate of individuals, even should they consti- The simple truth is, and it cannot be too often retute the majority of the population of a State, or peated, that Virginia, Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana several States. The fact that rebellion takes the and Florida, were each and all expressly founded form of the secession of a State can make no differ- with oligarchic care and oligarchic aim upon an olience, for, so long as the Central Government con-garchic model. All power and privilege were confines itself within its own jurisdiction, the State centrated in the planter caste ; and a servile multipossesses no right whatever against it. The State tude was provided by regal and aristocratic policy possesses no greater right collectively than each of by whose unrequited toil the governing few were its citizens possess individually."

to subsist. We grieve to be obliged to say that in If the same authority, at a later day, de- our estimate of the possible future of America we manded the right of the Southern States to

see cause for the deepest anxiety as to the fate of

civilization, social and political, in the devoted resecede—demanded their rights as “bellig

gions whose frantic oligarchs are striving to sever erents”-demanded the recognition of their

them from the wise and enlightened rule founded by independence—it was simply because it be- Adams, Franklin, Hamilton, Jefferson and Jay. For came politic to do so, not that what was trea- the destiny of the Free North, with its intelligence son in January was not equally so in July. and industry, its wealth and invention, its love of

The London Daily News equal liberty, and its love of equal law, there is no The London News.

(January 22d) also gave cause for fear. Inferiority of soil, seaboard and

its views to the same con- streams, of mineral wealth, and of mountain pasture, clusion. Its statement of the duty of citizens of sweep of domain and enjoyable climate—the vigto obey, and the right of Government to orous, fearless, self-reliant North can afford, with a enforce obedience, was clear and logically

laugh, to admit it all, and yet feel how transcendcorrect :

ently stronger and richer, nobler and happier, is its Every American citizen is as directly bound to obey there must be, the world will soon comprehend the

place among the nations. If permanent severance the laws passed by the central power in the exercise of its difference between a compact nation of educated, defined rights, as an Irishmin or a Scotchman is bound | free, and self-dependent citizens, and a community to obey the laws of the Imperial Parliament. If any of indolent and insolent proprietors of land living in number of Irishmen or Scotchmen raised the stand hourly dread of a herd of slaves." ard of revolt against the Government, they would all be guilty of treason, but their conduct wouid not

The London Saturday Review, early in and could not affect the relations of the British with March said, in the course of a very clear and foreign Governments. So it is in the United States : lucid exposé of the secessiort revolution: the individual citizens of South Carolina or Alabama "No event of our day has

The Saturday Re who levy war against the Federal Power are all guilty been half so wonderful as the

view. of treason, but their conduct cannot by possibility affcct one before us. Who, à priori, the relattons between the United States Government and could have believed that in the nineteenth century a those of other countries."

new State should be organized, by the grandsons of The same journal (January 19th) thus gen- Englishmen, solely on the principle of preserving and erously defended our great Republican “ex- extending a system of Slavery! A more ignoble basis periment” from the scoffs of those friends of for a great Confederacy it is impossible to conceive,

nor one in the long run more precarious. The peraristocracy who wished well to no reign of manent renunciation of sound principles and natural the people :

laws must, in due time, bring ruin. No great career “ America is a signal illustration of the worth can lie before the Southern States, bound together of representative government. The people of Eng- solely by the tie of having a working-class of negro land neither believe nor wish to believe in the ruin bondsmen. Assuredly it will be the Northern of the great Commonwealth of their kindred beyond Confederacy, based on the principle of freedom, the ocean; but whatever perils be in store for it, with a policy untainted by crime, with a free work

ing-class of white men, that will be the one to go touch the one great interest of their political life. on and prosper, and become the leader of the New They have cried out so long that all scruples about World."

Slavery are cant and affectation, that they not only The London Morning believe it, and believe that we believe it, but they The London Star. Star (January 21st) pro- even expect us to make a sacrifice of political credit

posed to grant the Slave and consistency by avowing our previous insincerStates the right to secede from the Union, ity, and this for considerations that would certainly but based its proposition upon such grounds never have induced us to interfere in behalf of Hunas the Southern States must have repudiated : gary or Italy, whom we did desire to aid with all

"There are thousands of noble-hearted men and our hearts. Such infatuation is absolutely appallwomen in the Northern States who have a hearty ing. It seems to indicate that a kind of monomania hatred of that moral complicity in the barter of blinds the Southern States on all subjects closely human flesh and blood, which has been forced upon connected with their cotton and their slaves. We them by their political organization. They know doubt if anything we can say will open their eyes. that many of the blemishes which the foes of Free. But we are at least bound in the name of the merdom have signalized in their republican institutions cantile classes of England to tell them that any proand social condition arise from the presence, in the posal to intervene on their behalf in the struggle consideration of a system essentially anti-republican, against the Federal Government of the Union, and as hateful to God as it is injurious to man. They would be scouted nowhere with more scorn and feel that its alliance with the North has been to the indignation than in those districts of England which South as that presence of a few good men which would benefit most by free trade with the United would have induced the Almighty to spare the guilty

States." city; and that, had the Slave States stood alone, The reader may express surprise that the Slavery would probably before this have been num- same journal, and, doubtless, the same editor, bered among obsolete iniquities. Various consid- at a later day, became the champion of an erations may have induced them to refrain from English recognition of the Slave Confedseeking themselves to break the bond which led to eracy; but, in England as in all the rest of such disastrous consequences; but now that the the world, self-interest is all-powerful. It is South sues for a divorce, why should they oppose the prayer? Let the Seceding States carry out

80 easy to make Principle sick, and to call in their insane project, and base their new nationality

Policy as the doctor! upon the principle that man has a right of property

The London Review, in immortal beings; they will soon discover that (March 2d,) organ of the The London Review. they have built their house upon a heap of crum- aristocracy, pronounced the bling sand. The blessing of God will assuredly Union to be hopelessly dissolved in these never rest upon that flag which, in a fair division of words: the emblem of the existing Union, should retain the

“ The United States of America are not in existStripes without the Stars. If the men of the North

A Free and a Slave Republic occupy their have a clear perception of their duty and of the true interests of humanity, they will stay the hand place, and stand side by side ; destined to be rivals of violence which has already been upraised, aban- perhaps to be enemies ; while a third Republic, or don all idea of coercion, and suffer the South to pur- Mountains on the fertile shores of the Pacific, is cer

confederation of Republics, to the west of the Rocky sue unchecked its mad career."

tain to assert its independence at no distant date, The London Economist, and to form the nucleus of another powerful emThe London Econ

in its early consideration pire. * * * The disruption of the American

of the question-ere King Union is as much a fait accompli as the English RevoCotton had whispered its Christian heart lution of 1688, or the coup d' étạt that set Napoleon asleep and its commercial heart awake - III. upon the throne ; and if there be any statesmangave expression (January 29th) to its views ship in the North, or in the South, the only wise of the subject of recognition, by Great Britain, policy is to acknowledge it, and make the best of the Seceded States :

of it."

But the Rerier entertained little sympathy “The truly melancholy side of these strange calculations on the part of the Southern States, is the for the South and its political philosophy. evidence which they give of a completely distorted It predicted the early inauguration of a monstandard of judgment on all subjects at least that archy over the downfall of republicanism:

ence.

omist.

.

THE

THE VOICE OF

495

ENGLISH PEOPLE.

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" It is obvious that Mr. Calhoun's doctrine, car It will be evident, from these extracts, that ried to its legitimate length, contains within itself British journalists well comprehended the the germ of the downfall of Republicanism. Al position of affairs in America, and their judgready the slaveholders constitute an oligarchy, and ments, for that reason, are worthy of attenfrom an oligarchy to a despotism the gradations are tion. Americans, absorbed in the events of not very slow or painful even in times of peace, the hour and swayed by the feelings of parwhile they are facile as the descensus averni in periods tisans, could not be expected to pronounce a of public danger, when war, offensive or defensive,

disinterested judgment on the revolution ; opens the career of victory to any ambitious and successful soldier who has audacity enough to snatch but, those intelligent observers, so far removat a crown and sceptre. There may be nothing ed from the scene of disaster as to be unin positively new under the sun; but in modern times, fluenced by its passions or results, could be or within the record of history, the world has not regarded as reliable arbiters. If, at a future seen such a Republic, or such a system of govern-day — when the progress of the revolution ment as that which has sprung into existence upon had closed Southern ports, had cut off Britthe shores of the Mexican Gulf. Its short history is, ish looms from their supply of cotton and a the marvel of our time, and its continued existence profitable market for their products – the will be one of the most singular problems of our English press allowed its unanimity of concivilization."

demnation to become broken, it was a pocket, The London News, (Jan-rather than a heart or head, impulse that inThe Binding Force of Treaties. uary 29th) adverting to

stigated paragraphs devoted to the Souththe binding force of treat-ern cause and Southern interests. ies made with the United States, by European The Queen of England, Governments, in event of a dissolution of the at the opening of Parlia

Queen Victoria's

“ Kind Regards." Union, thus silenced those who regarded the ment, (February 5th,) dethreatened disruption as propitious for the livered her annual speech, in the course of abrogation of all treaty-relations with the which she referred in terms of kindness toUnited States :

wards the American people that showed "Some are puzzled to know whether the treaties how anxiously the throne regarded the connow subsisting between the United States and this troversy : country will continue if the Southerners succeed in “ Serious differences have arisen among the States separating themselves and setting up a Confedera- of the North American Union. It is impossible for tion for themselves. Such an event is spoken of as me to look without great concern upon any events a dissolution of the Union of the States. If the con- which can affect the happiness and welfare of a peotract had been made between this country and the ple purely allied to my subjects by descent, and several States, as States, no doubt the secession of closely connected with them by the most intimate some of them would free the others from the obli- and friendly relations. My heartfelt wish is, that gation of fulfilling the treaty. But the contract is these difficulties may be susceptible of satisfactory with the American Union, the subjects of which con- adjustment. The interest which I take in the wellsist of those who, while they owe it certain duties, being of the people of the United States cannot but owe their own States certain other duties. Even be increased by the kind and cordial reception given after the British Government lost Smith O'Brien, by them to the Prince of Wales during his recent Mitchel, and Meagher, the treaties with foreign visit to the Continent of America." Powers were still binding. So, when Francis II. lost As the Prince only visited the NorthSicily, or Austria lost Lombardy, the treaties with ern States and Virginia—and, as the only the Powers not at war continued binding. So it is insult he received was on Slave soil, at in America. If the secession succeeds, the Amer. Richmond - the Northern States did not ican Union will lose a certain number of subjects

. hesitate to appropriate to themselves her inNay, more ; any European Government will be at

terest in their “ well-being." perfect liberty to make whatever treaties it pleases

The English public was with those who have seceded; but the American

The Voice of the Union will still subsist, weakened though it be by still more antagonistic to

English Peoplo. the loss of many citizens. This is the conclusion the Pro-Slavery Confedwhich inevitably flows from the nature of the Amer. eracy than the English press. Thoroughly ican Constitution as we have explained it." Anti-Slavery in their views, the great mass

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of Britons are only consumers of Slave prod-| the most propitious moment for opening new ucts from necessity. Manchester looms, so sources of cotton culture, and thus to sever, wholly dependent on cotton, might be fairly forever, their dependence on the Southern presumed to hum the pæans of Slavery; but, States for a staple every fibre of which lookso far from this being true, the stoppage of ed black even in its whiteness-every boll of the supply from America was seized upon as which seemed, to them, a human tear.

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CHAPTER XLI.

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THE SPIRIT OF VIOLENCE IN THE SOUTH. EV I DE NCES OF DE

MORALIZED MORAL SENTIMENT. THE REPUDIATED DEBTS, AND VIOLENCE TOWARDS CREDITORS. THE RICHMOND "WIIG's!! CONFESSION. A BRUTAL ALABAMA SENTIMENT. NUMEROUS CASES OF OUTRAGE AND PERSECUTION OF "SUSPECTED' PERSONS. THE RESULTS TO CIVILIZATION OF THAT REIGN OF TERROR.

THE Southern States, I less from inanition. A thousand devices The Secret Enginery

from the first stages of were conceived to accomplish the desired of the Rebellion.

their rebellion against the end; and the secret history of the insurrecFederal Government, put forward, as a justi- tion, if it ever shall be divulged, will be fication, the oppressions of that central power, | found rich in intrigue, profuse in duplicity, and cited the Declaration of Independence mighty in falsehood—all directed to the one as their defence, The parallel was indig- purpose of “firing the Southern heart." nantly denied by Northern men, as these We have casually adverted to the animosity pages will testify—in Congress and out of it, shown, in certain sections, towards Northern an overwhelming sentiment pronounced the persons and interests, and promised a chapter rebellion “causeless, wicked, and unnatural,” of incidents to illustrate the spirit engendered with “ no justification in the law of the coun- by the revolutionists, by which to plunge the try, nor in the higher law of self-protection.” populace into their wild schemes. The fitting From this very denial sprung the passions place for such a chapter is the close of this and impulses necessary to feed the fires of volume, which is rather a record of the prediscord; and watchful “guardians of South- liminary condition of the revolution, than ern interests” were not slow to fan the flames of the results which followed upon its full to a point of lawlessness necessary to“ pre- development, after the inauguration of Mr. cipitate" States into the vortex of insurrec- Lincoln. tion. Success in the secession movement

The repudiation of debts due to Northern depended solely on the ability of the leaders merchants and manufacturers became one of to fire the popular passions to the point of the earliest and most exciting facts of the hate of the North and defiance of its associa- Southern movement. It argued a demoraltion. Without a complete success in that ized sentiment of probity, which equally direction, the revolution would become nerve- alarmed and angered the Northern people.

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