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CIARLES FRANCIS A DAMS' EXPOSITION.

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Chas. Francis Adams

Exposition.

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not acceptable to the other side. But if we should be further inChas. Francis Adams' But even if they should reject formed that Scotland had beExposition.

it, I think the offer ought at least come fixed in its determination to extinguish every future complaint about the exclu- to break up the Union, because Great Britain declined sion of slaveholders from the Territories, and every to consider this subject, what would then be our pretence that the refusal to grant protection is good amazement? Yet I see little difference between this cause for their present violent course."

picture and that which we present ourselves when we [The scheme here broached, it would appear, fall to quarreling about the way we shall dispose of so fully met the conspirators' causa sine qua our neighbors' property at a time when there is no non, that some additional subterfuge was ne- particular prospect of our getting it at all. Have not cessary, in order to keep their case in court.

we got difficult problems enough to solve within our

present enormous geographical limits, to save us the Hence, they sprung the requisition for "pro

necessity of puzzling our brains with others that are tection in territory that may hereafter be ac

without? I can scarce suppress a smile at this idea quired" — demanded legislation over soil not of Territory hereafter to be acquired,' even amid yet ours! It only showed the broad nature all the painful realities of the immediate struggle. of their designs. “Protection” in New Mex- Is it not, I ask you, Mr. Speaker, an abstraction ico was but a mere covering clause, which more extraordinary than all the rest ??" contemplated a slave kingdom to be “

[If anything were wanting to prove that quired" from poor Mexico. The reticence

a spirit of cupidity governed the movement, of the leaders in regard to their ultimate we have most conclusive evidence in this purposes scarcely served to conceal their pro- subtly - contrived scheme of “protection," gramme, for, in the very demand made, of and consequent overriding of the wishes of "protection” for slavery in soil not yet our the people in all States “to be acquired.” own, they exposed to the world whither their The next natural and inevitable steps would, desires and purposes led.] Mr. Adams thus of course, be to " acquire” the Territory; for gave his construction of this most extraor- the South, to remain in the Union as “an dinary demand :

equal," must have the representation in Con"I confess it appeared to be somewhat singular

gress of several more Slave States: to provide that the attempts at conciliation should cease just at

which, this most rascally and unusual edict this point, and that we should be driven to a final separation of the States because we did not like to

was to be obtained as a sine qua non of the declare in the Constitution that we meditated at any

South remaining in the Union. and all times an encroachment upon foreign States, Ah! when the people, North and South, and that to that end we were making a preliminary come to read the record with dispassionate rule of arrangements about their institutions, without minds—when they are informed of the truly the sinallest regard to the disposition or convenience magnificent duplicity of the Southern leaders of those who may be citizens at the time. In my in their demands for slave "protection” in simplicity, I had imagined it was a fundamental prin- the unsettled Territories of the United States, ciple of all negotiations to let the people of other and in the still unacquired domain of Mexcountries speak for themselves in regard to their

ico—they will scarcely 'cease to wonder at own affairs. I had supposed they might have a word to say about so material a question as the introduc- their own weakness in so long striving to adtion of Slavery. All these considerations appear to just that question to the satisfaction of the have been overlooked, and we are told that the few oligarchs who concocted the disunion Union must be dissolved if we refuse to put in the movement !) Constitution a pledge that we will protect Slavery in Mr. Adams viewed the third cause of comthe States of Sonorà, or Coahuila, or Chihuahua, or

plaint in the thorough and dispassionate New Leon--when we get them! In order to com

manner which characterized his examinaprehend how this proceeding will look to strangers, tion of the previous points. The simple let me suppose that the British Parliament were to entertain the question, what sort of organic law they impossibility of the Free States ever obtaining should enact respecting the labor to be employed in the two-thirds majority-requiring twentythe gold region of America south of the forty-ninth seven ADDITIONAL Free States-puts the quesparallel, hereafter to be acquired ? Should not we tion forever at rest, even if the Slave States regard it as a pretty comical sort of presumption ? I never obtained any further representation;

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but, when they carve out of to the other condition is it any, Chas. Francis Adams' the vast area of Texas five more reasonable? Are we go

Chas. Francis Adams' Exposition.

Exposition. States, and out of New ing to fight becaues we cannot Mexico three, with the prospect of “ acquir- agree upon the mode of disposing of our neighbors' ing” the adjoining Mexican States of Sonora, lands? Are we to break up the Union of these States,

cemented by so many years of common sufferings, Chihuahua, Coahuila, New Leon, and old

and resplendent with so many years of common California, the assumption contained in the

glory, because it is insisted that we should incorpothird clause of complaint, it became conclu-rate into what we now regard as the charter of our sive, was put forward to arouse hateful pas- freedom a proclamation to the civilized world that sions andfeelings by imaginary causes, though we intend to grasp the territory of other nations fou apparent purposes.

wherever we can do it, for the purpose of putting The speaker then reviewed the questions at into it certain institutions which some of us disapissue in their entirety. His statement gives prove, and that, too, whether the people inhabiting the correct presentation of the subject, so far that territory themselves approve of it or not? as we may judge after having carefully and "I am almost inclined to believe that they who critically canvassed the whole ground cov- first did it must have done so for the sake of presentered by the debates in Congress, and by the ing a condition which they knew beforehand must State papers put 'forth by the Seceding be rejected, or which, if accepted, must humiliate States. Though but a comparatively brief

us in the dust forever. In point of fact, this propoperiod has elapsed since their utterance, so

sal covers no question of immediate moment which rapidly do events work out results in Repub- may not be settled by another and less obnoxious lican Governments, that the historian finds rejected? The reason is obvious—you want the

one. Why is it, then, persevered in and the other the ultimate in the secession argument al- Union dissolved. You want to make it impossible ready awaiting his record. We find the for honorable men to become reconciled. If it be view taken by the Massachusetts member to indeed so, then on you, and you alone, shall rest the be corroborated by the proceedings which responsibility of what may follow. If the Union be followed, and may, therefore, reproduce his broken up, the reason why it happened shall remain statements, as embodying the relation from on record forever. It was because you rejected which to form a correct opinion as to the jus- one form of settling a question, which might be tice or injustice of the rebellion. :

offered and accepted, with honor, in order to insist “Why, then, is it that harmony is not restored ? upon another, which you knew we could not accept The answer is, that you are not satisfied with this without disgrace. I answer for myself only when I settlement, however complete. You must have say, that if the alternative of the salvation of the some guarantees in the Constitution ; you must make

Union be only that the people of the United States the protection and extension of Slavery in the Ter- shall

, before the Christian nations of the earth, plant ritories now existing, -and hereafter to be acquired in broad letters upon the print of their charter of a cardinal doctrine of our great charter. Without Republican Government the dogma of slave propathat, you are determined to dissolve the Union. How gandism over the remainder of the countries of the stands the case, then? We offer to settle the ques. world, I will not consent to brand myself with what tion finally, in all of the present territory that you

I deem such disgrace, let the consequences be what claim, by giving you every chance of establishing

they may." Slavery that you have any right to require of us.

Mr. Adams, considering the dangers threatYou decline to take the offer, because you fear itening, did not regard coercion for simple will do you no good. Slavery will not go there. But if secession as wise or necessary. He thought that be true, what is the use of asking for the pro- the twenty remaining States, with new States tection anyhow, much less in the Constitution ? soon to be added, quite enough to perpetuate Why require protection where you will have noth- the government and to secure its great ascending to protect? All you appear to desire it for is New Mexico. Nothing else is left. You will not ency. But, the case was changed if acts of accept New Mexico, because ten years of experience

violence towards the Federal Government has proved to you that protection has been of no compelled it, in self-defence, to take up arms. use thus far. But if so, how can you expect that it

He said : will be of much more use hereafter, and to make it " If there be violent and wanton attacks upon the worth dissolving the Union about? But if we pass persons or the property of the citizens of the United

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THE GEORGIA BILL OF RIGHTS.

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States, or of their Government, tal, no additional arguments or circumstances Chas. Francis Adams

I see not how demands for im- added to the strength of the cause of the revExposition.

, mediate redress can be avoided. Olutionists. The steps taken by them were If any interruptions should be attempted of the regu- simply legitimate results of their attitude of lar channels of trade in the great water-courses, or in defiance, and were clearly foreseen by the the ocean, they cannot long be permitted ; and if any leaders, who hastened to inaugurate the Montconsiderable minorities of citizens should be persecuted or proscribed on account of their attachment gomery Government over the heads of the to the Union, and should call for protection, I can- Southern people, in order to meet the crisis nowdeny the obligation of this Government to afford they had precipitated. The formation of it. There are many persons in many of the States that consolidated Government—the assault whose patriotic declarations and honorable pledges upon Fort Sumter — the precipitation of of support of the Union may bring down upon them Virginia, into the revolt — the march upon more than the ill-will of their infatuated fellow-citi- Washington - were but parts of a conzens. It would be impossible for the people of the spiracy, having for its purpose the anniUnited States to look upon any proscription of them hilation of the old Constitution and the inwith indifference.”

stallment of the new one, wherein the princiThis chapter presents such an exposition of ple of property in man should become, in the the entire question of secession, that a person words of its most conservative expounder, far-removed from society, having no informa- the chief corner-stone of the new edifice.” tion of the events of the year, would be able Had they succeeded in their designs, Tyranny to obtain a correct knowledge of the relative would have rejoiced, for the “great experiposition of the contestants, and to form a cor- ment” would have proven a failure. It is to rect opinion on the merits of the case at the be written not only in the cause of America, date under consideration, February 1st. The but in the cause of Human Progress, that status of the issue was not changed by suc- they failed. That the Capitol dome is not ceeding events. Though the revolution went surmounted by a Slave, with manacled hands on, accelerating in strength and force to the uplifted to Heaven, is due to the integrity of final issue of a direct assault upon the Fed- the Loyal Men of '61. eral Government, and a march upon its Capi

CHAPTER XXII.

THE GEORGIA BILL OF RIGITS. SEIZURE OF GEORGIA ARMS IN

NEW YORK. REPRISALS BY GOVERNOR BROWN. NORTHERN CUPIDITY. DISTRESSING MONETARY CONDITION OF TIE SOUTH. OUTRAGES COMMITTED ON NORTHERN PERSONS AND PROPERTY. A DARK RECORD.

The near approach of the Montgomery “ The fundamental principles Convention of Delegates, to form a Central of the Government cannot be The Georgia Bill of

Rights. Government, rendered the action of the seced-, too well understood, or too often ed States, after their secession, of subordinate recurred to ; hence we delare this Bill of Rights. importance. Among minor matters may be

“ All Government derives its authority from the mentioned the Georgia Bill of Rights, intro- consent of the governed, who may modify, alter, or

annul the same, whenever their safety or happiness duced to that State's Convention evidently as requires it. No Government should be changed for its “instructions” to its delegates to the Mont- slight or transient causes, nor unless upon reasonagomery Convention. It read as follows:

ble assurance that a better will be established.

“ Protection to person and The power of the Courts to The Georgia Bill of property is the consideration of punish for contempts should al

The Georgia Bill a Rights. allegiance, and a Government ways be limited by legislative

Rights. which knowingly and persistently denies or with acts. holds such protection from the governed, releases “ A faithful, honest, and fearless execution of the them from the obligation of obedience.

laws is essential to good order, and good order in "No citizen shall be deprived of life, liberty, or society is essential to true liberty. property, except by due process of law; and of life "Legislative acts in violation of the fundamental or liberty only by the judgment of his peers. law are void, and the Judiciary shall so declare

* The writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus. them. pended, unless when, in case of rebellion or invasion, "Ex post facto laws, or laws impa iring the obligathe public safety may require it.

tion of contracts, or retroactive legislation, affecting "A well-regulated militia being necessary to the the rights of the citizen, are prohibited. security of a Free State, the right of the people to “Laws should have a general operation; and no keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.

general law be varied in a particular case by special “ The prevalence of the Christian religion among legislation, except upon notice to all persons to be the people, and the basis of Christian principles un- affected thereby. derlying the laws, entitle this State to be ranked * The right of taxation can be granted only by the among the Christian nations of the earth, and these people, and should be exercised by their agents in principles are independent of all political organiza government only for the tegitimate purposes of gortion; no religious test shall ever be required for the ernment. tenure of any office, and no religious establishment " In cases of necessity, private ways may be grantallowed, and no citizen shall be deprived of any ed, upon just compensation being first paid; and, with right or privilege by reason of his religious belief. this exception, private property shall not be taken

“ Freedom of thought and opinion, freedom of except for public use, and then only upon just comspeech and freedom of the press are inherent ele- pensation. Such compensation, except in cases of ments of political liberty. But while every citizen pressing necessity, should be first provided and may freely speak, write, and print on any subject, he paid. shall be responsible for the abuse of the liberty. “ The rights of the people to be secure in their

" The rights of the people to appeal to the courts, persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreato petition Government on all matters of legitimate sonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; cognizance, and peaceably to assemble for the con- and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, sideration of any matter of public concern, can supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly never be impaired.

describing the place or places to be searched, and “For every right there should be provided a rem- the persons or things to be seized. edy, and every citizen ought to obtain justice with “Extreme necessity only should justify the decout purchase, without denial, and without delay, laration of martial law. conformably to the laws of the land.

“ Large standing armies in times of peace are dan“Every person charged with an offence against gerous to liberty. the laws of the State shall have

“No soldiers shall, in time of peace, be quartered "1. The privilege and benefit of counsel ;

in any house without the consent of the owner, 2. Shall be furnished, on demand, with a copy of nor in time of war but in a manner prescribed by the accusation and a list of the witnesses against him;

law. " 3. Shall have the compulsory process of the

“ Titles of nobility are inconsistent with repubCourt to obtain the attendance of his own witnesses ; lican equality ; and civil honors should come by merit,

" 4. Shall be confronted with the witnesses testi- and not by inheritance. fying against him; and,

"All powers not delegated to the Government ex* 5. Shall have a public and speedy trial by an pressly, or by necessary implication, are reserved to impartial jury.

the people of the State; and, in all doubtful cases, “No person shall be put in jeopardy of life or the denial of the grant is the ground safest for the liberty more than once for the same offence. liberty of the people.

No conviction shall work corruption of blood or “The enumeration of rights herein contained shall general forfeiture of estate.

not be construed to deny to the people any inherent "Excessive bail shall not be required, nor exces- right which they have hitherto enjoyed.” sive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punish

The seizure of arms, in New York, supments inflicted.

posed to belong to the State of Georgia, at

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THE SEIZURE OF

NEW

YORK

VESSELS.

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one time greatly excited

“SAVANNAH, January 24th, 1861. The Seizure of Arms

the public mind. The “ To Cromwell & Co.: in New York. counter-seizure, by Gov

« The seizure of the arms The Seizure of New ernor Brown, of Northern vessels in the har- from the Monticello' causes York Vessels. bor of Savannah, was a retaliation which so excitement here. Can you get immediately affected the commercial commu- them back? We fear retaliation." nity of the great metropolis that a great Twenty-eight of the cases were consigned storm of words followed the several acts. to parties in Montgomery, Alabama, and con

The facts of the case may thus be cited: tained 560 Minie rifles; ten cases were conOn the 22d of January, drays containing mus- signed to private individuals in Georgia. kets were observed unloading at the Savannah Demands were immediately made, by parpier. The long boxes were immediately run on ties interested, for a release of the arms; board the Savannah steamer, then in New but the Superintendent refused to make York, ready to sail. The fact that immense the return, except to the Sheriff, or by quantities of arms, purchased of Northern im- regular legal process. A writ was thereupon porters and manufacturers, were going South served, upon which the twenty-eight cases by the Charleston and Savannah routes, as well were delivered to the Deputy-Sheriff. No as by the Adams' Express, had become well process was served for the ten cases, and known to the authorities, and the Police Su- they remained, accordingly, in the Superinperintendent resolved, after, consultation with tendent's possession. the Police Commissioners, to stop the ship Thus matters stood until February 9th, ments, if possible, by retention. Being in- when a telegram announced the seizure, at formed, on the day named, of the large in- Savannah, by order of Governor Brown, of voice going on board the steamer, he ordered the following Northern vessels : Barks, Ada seizure. The officers took 38 cases, con- juster, Murray, Kibby ; brig, Golden Seas; taining 670 muskets, which were conveyed to schooner, Julia A. Hallock—all of which were the Armory. This fact was immediately tele- taken as reprisals for the seized guns. The graphed to the Georgia authorities, when the Governor—as in almost every instance of overt following telegrams passed over the wires : acts against the General Government by “MILLEDGEVILLE, Jan. 24, 1861.

States and Conventions_-" assumed the re"To his Honor, Mayor Wood :

sponsibility," acting without any authority

whatever. January 7th, in his message to "Is it true that arms intended for and consigned to the State of Georgia have been seized .by public the Georgia Legislature, he had asked that anthorities in New York? Your answer is important certain powers of seizure be granted to him. to us and to New York. Answer at once.

He said:

“R. TOOMBS." “Let us meet unjust aggression and unconstiMayor Wood returned the following char- tutional State legislation with just retaliation. To acteristic reply:

this end, I recommend the enactment of a law

authorizing the Governor of this State, in case any " Hon. Robert Toombs, Milledgeville, Ga.:

citizen of this state shall in future be deprived of " In reply to your dispatch, I regret to say that his slaves or other property, under the operation of arms intended for and consigned to the State of the aggressive legislation of Massachusetts, to which Georgia have been seized by the police of this I have referred, or of like legislation of any other State, but that the City of New York should in no State, or by neglect of any such State to fulfil her way be made responsible for the outrage. As constitutional obligations to Georgia or her citizens, Mayor, I have no authority over the police. If I had by delivering up to the owner, on demand, his slave the power, I should summarily punish the authors which may have escaped into such State, to call out of this illegal and unjustifiable seizure of private such military force as he may deem necessary for property. “FERNANDO WOOD,

the purpose, and to seize such amount of the money Mayor."

or property of any citizen of such offending and

faithless State, which may be found within the limits A dispatch to the agents of the steamer of this state, as may be amply sufficient fully to inread :

demnify such citizen of this State, who may have

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