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the tide of disunion, he protection and rights. Kentucky, he averConkling's Speech. could not word his admira- red, would maintain her rights; and, though
tion. For them he could do generous and loyal, would not remain in the all things possible or consistent. But he could Union but as an equal. not vote for any compromise to extend Slavery, Howard, (Dem.,) of Ohio, nor to amend the Constitution. He would declared also for concilia
Howard's Views. vote to sustain the laws and rigidly to enforce tion by compromise. He the Constitution, in Free as well as in Slave would disregard party and platforms, and do States. He would leave the Constitution as his duty as an American. Upon that Congress it was. If they should alter it, if the Ameri- the destiny of the Republic hung. Six stars can people should tamper with that liberty of our National flag were obscured, and he bestowing instrument, some Gibbon, or, bet- should not cease to hope for their restoration. ter still, some Dante, would immortalize the Exhaust all other remedies to bring them crime. Some limner, with infernal pencil, back before resorting to force. would group in the picture, horrible in their Edward Joy Morris, (Inresemblance to the actors of the day, and dependent) of Pennsyl
Edward Joy Morris'
Speech, hang it in the sky, full in the view of those vania, in a speech characwho shall hereafter tread the corridors of terized by much decision, said he would save time. The men of the North believed in the the Union by remanding the entire question Government as their fathers made it. They of Slavery in the Territories to the people, to cherished it for all its memories, its martyrs, whom its decision properly belonged. Let its heroes, and its statesmen. They cherished them battle it out, without the factious interit for the shelter it afforded against that vention of Congress or of Territorial Legisstorm which, without it, would burst and latures. He would go for the Corwin Report, desolate the continent. But above all, they or for the Crittenden Resolutions, to submit cherished it for its promises yet unaccom- the question of compromise to the people. plished, its mission incomplete, and its des Speaking of the proposed Convention at tiny unfulfilled. They would sustain it and Montgomery, he said it might establish a defend it to the last.
Government stronger than the Federal, but it This speech made a powerful impression would, necessarily, be an oligarchy—the few on the House. Taken with those of Thad-slave-owners would reign, not the majority deus Stevens, Van Wyck, and others, on the poor white population. He defended the Republican side, it clearly indicated the set policy of the Republican party, and thought of the current of public feeling in the Free the aspersions of its enemies as base as they States, and showed, to those not blind, how were unfounded. All the agitation which impassably wide was the gulf which compro- prevails in the South, so far as it is based on mise was expected to span.
the allegations that the people of the North Stevenson, (Dem.,) of wished to abolish Slavery in the States, is A Kentuci ian's
Kentucky, followed Conk- utterly without cause. The statement was a Declarations.
ling in a brief reply. If calumny, got up for the bad ends of aiding the New York member was a fair representa- in the scheme to disrupt the Union. He tive of Northern sentiment, the hope of an spoke of the conservatism of Pennsylvania adjustment must be extinguished. He saw, and of Mr. Lincoln, who was the most conin this and other speeches, a design to deny servative of any candidate in the Presithe South all rights in the Territories. He dential election. He stood by the Constiregarded the States as equal and sovereign, tution, let the issue be what it may; and, in having equal rights to the common domain, dying, might he stand there and defend it to and entitled to full protection to their prop- the last! The Government of the United erty therein. He still hoped the returning States has a right to defend its own existreason of the dominant party would show ence, and it is its duty to do it against them the propriety and justice of a compro- coercion, which is on the part of the Secedmise, guaranteeing the South its required ing States.
Thursday, in both Houses, was a landmark | the provision, that citizens of each State are in the legislative history of the revolution. entitled to all the privileges in every State. On that day Mr. Seward, in the Senate, and He would not prohibit the transportation of Mr. Adams, in the House, made their last and slaves through the States, but would prohibit utmost bids for peace. Representing the the traffic in African slaves. If disunion dominant party and the incoming Adminis- comes, the baseness of the act would only be tration, their declarations assumed even more equalled by its stupendous folly. But, he than usual significance. The replies of Ma- would not say disunion, for it could not come. son and Wigfall, also, embody the sentiments Nations do not die easy; man, in his mad entertained by the revolutionists at this time. folly, may attempt the destruction of the Their conjoined speeches will, therefore, Union, but humanity denounces the act, and serve, in an historical view, as a resumé of the God would not permit it. practical position of the two sections and Mr. Latham's views posparties. We shall, in consequence, dissever sessed interest, apart from them from our current Congressional record, their intrinsic nature, as an and accord them the more proper position of exposition of the feeling of his far-removed a special chapter. (See Chapter XXI.] State, in regard to the crisis. He adverted
In the Senate session of to the loyalty and devotion of California to The New Jersey Resolutions.
Friday, Febrưary 1st, the the Union. Lying in the arms of the Sierra Ne
President's Message being vadas, she was removed from the evils which under consideration, Latham, (Dem.,) of Cal- might come upon some sections, but was not, ifornia, expressed his views at length on the therefore, a disinterested spectator of events state of the country. Previous to the Mes when the Union was in danger. Disunion! sage being called up, Ten Eyck, (Rep.,) of It was never pronounced by Calhoun; it was New Jersey, presented the joint resolutions a crime which the boldest ventured even to of the New Jersey Legislature, (see page 251,] infer, only a short time since; now it was faexpressing a willingness to accept the Crit-miliar as a household word to American ears. tenden Resolutions, advising a Convention The great fact was upon us, as the empty of the States, appointing Commissioners to seats in the Senate would testify. Whatever Washington, and instructing Members of the cause, it only remained now for legislaCongress from the State to act in accordance tors to meet the crisis with words and deeds with the resolutions of the Legislature. Mr. calculated to heal the great discord reigning, Ten Eyck said he owed a higher duty to the and to restore peace and harmony once again, country than to the State. He refused to be He then proceeded to a discussion of the instructed to the extent of having his actions causes, and to suggest the cure. Secession, controlled by the Legislature;-a machine as a constitutional right, he considered a falwould do as well as a man, if he was to be lacy—there could be no such thing. It was ordered from Trenton. But, these particular revolution, as Mr. Toombs properly characinstructions he should particularly hesitate terized it. The right of revolution undoubtto obey, because he did not believe they re-edly was inherent in man, but must as strenpresented the feelings of the people of New uously be denied by Government. A recogJersey. The Legislature, by an accidental nition of that right would be to sign the vote, had undertaken to instruct Senators here death-warrant of Government. It must deagainst the will of a majority of the people. pend for its justification upon its success-its He would not be shackled in such a way. failure will recoil upon its leaders. But, as He objected to the resolutions of the Senator this Government was founded upon the prinfrom Kentucky, because they provided an ciple of the consent of the governed, it was unconstitutional mode of amending the Con- the right of that class to decide for itself its stitution. He was willing to have an efficient own relations, if the question were viewed law for the rendition of fugitives, and to repeal merely as a personal matter. Viewed, howall laws interfering with such law; but he ever, in all its relations, it was a question to be would insist on the effectual carrying out of decided by all parties affected by its solution.
MR. LATHAM'S VIEWS.
He reviewed the causes submitted by Messrs. CritLatham's Views. of the estrangement of the tenden, Bigler and Douglas,
Latham's Views. two sections, and found in but proposed that offered the Republican party the centralization of a by Mr. Rice, of Minnesota, as the one best calsentiment on the question of Slavery at once culated to give peace and harmony to the insulting and injurious to the South. There country (see p. 232.] He drew a sad sketch of prevailed, to a limited extent, a conservative the results depending upon the settlement of feeling among a large class in the party; but, the question. If the agitation were to increase the one cardinal principle of the organization, and war was to threaten, one thousand milof enmity to Slavery, was logically and sen- lions of dollars would not cover the loss, in sibly construed as enmity to the South. the way of depreciated property, paralyzed Acting in unison, the Slave States were rap-commerce, crippled manufactories. His peridly concentrating this opposition to their oration was as follows: enemies in the formation of a Government
" A Government sustained only by force, must, all their own, wherein the radical sentiment from its very nature, be arbitrary, or must soon of the North could no longer interfere for become a despotism, and in the disorganization their disaster. To resort to brute force in and general chaos, we shall be happy if we escape order to “conquer the South to obedience,” foreign intervention, and are spared the humiliatwas unworthy of men of this enlightened ing sight of a European soldiery perambulating century. If we granted the power of the in triumph the streets of our once proud Atlantic majority to rule, even to the employment of cities. For what reason shall all these calamities force, might instate mob law at any moment, befall us? Why shall we thus, in the midst of unanywhere. It would produce its legitimate paralleled success—in the full vigor of our national fruits of disorganization if conceded to any tate- become possessed of such a legion of devils-
youth, for we have not yet reached even man's esmajority which might band together to effect
a prey to such insanity as to wilfully shatter our any specific purpose. The property, the own household gods-to heap the ashes of our own peace of the few might be at the mercy of hearth-stone on our devoted heads, and, with spitethe many, who are ever in the majority. No! ful hands and flaming torches, set fire to and destroy Our Government was one of peace-founded that friendly and wide-spreading roof that has so upon the consent of the governed; and, when sheltered all true Liberty's children in the whole six States rise up and proclaim their resolve world--casting to utter and eternal destruction the to govern themselves, the question of author- hopes and elevated aspirations of mankind ? I inity must not be met by force.
plore yoti, Senators, as others have done before me, Peaceful remedies he considered possible by everything dear to our hearts and sacred to our
consciences, not to turn a deaf ear to the voice of nay, within their reach. The Democratic
the people, calling upon us, from all sections, to party of the North were friends and allies
pause in our political career, and to prove to the of the South. They had but to unite their North and to the South, and to the civilized world, forces, to forget their own unhappy and that our hearts and our minds expand with the maguseless divisions, to inaugurate a great Con- nitude of the subject on which we are called to destitutional party, which would sweep all liberate; that our patriotism can rise above party before it at the ballot-box. A divided coun- considerations; that when the honor, dignity, and try he could only contemplate with horror. existence of our institutions are at stake, there is no The pictures presented by the other Sena- sacrifice of personal vanity, or the narrow sphere tors of the results sure to follow the down- of partisan politics, that we are not eager, nay, proud fall of the Government were not overdrawn. to make, to save our common country. Senators, It could only be palliated by the peaceful neficent Providence that the shades of our departed
if from the realms on high it were vouchsafed by a beformation of two new confederacies, which, patriots, sages, and heroes of the Revolution might though disunited with themselves, were one speak to us, for whom while living they so toiled to the world. A peaceful separation was and labored, and spilled freely their heart's-blood, demanded, if all efforts at compromise must how they would implore us to pause and retrace our
steps from this perilous brink of destruction and fraHe approved of the several propositions ternal strife ! How would the voices of Washington,
Adams, and Jefferson, bursting the seal of death | tected by the laws or the Constitution of such State;
When Mr. Latham, in the Senate, was, at
(Democrat,) of Texas, addressed the House “ Article 13. That in all the in a speech characterized by good sense Kellogg's Resolutions. Territory now held by the Unit- and a spirit of kindness quite in contrast
ed States situated north of lat- with the declamation of his Furioso confeditude 36 deg. 30 min., involuntary servitude, except for the punishment of crime, is prohibited while such erate, Reagan, and with the treasonable chatTerritory shall remain under Territorial Govern- tering of the “ irrepressible Wigfall.” ment; that in all the Territory now held south of
Mr. Hamilton, giving his views on the said line, neither Congress nor any Territorial Legis- nature of the Constitution, regarded it as a lature shall hinder or prevent the emigration to said compact—that all constitutions, from their Territory of persons held to service from any State very nature, were but compacts. of the Union, when that relation exists by virtue of given to it guaranteed rights, and, in turn, any law or usage of such State, while it shall remain guaranteed certain rights to the parties to in a Territorial condition ; and when any Territory the compact, both people and States. The north or south of said line, within such boundaries Government was made, by its guaranteed as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the popu- rights, supreme, so far as the exercise of lation requisite for a Member of Congress, accord- those rights were concerned; and absolute; ing to the then Federal ratio of representation of the within the sphere of the power conferred people of the United States, it may, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union upon it as a Government. The reserved powers on an equal footing with the original States, with of the States were only such as preexisted or without the relation of persons held to service or before the formation of the compact. His labor, as the Constitution of such new State may argument on this point was so strong that we provide.
may quote his words: " ART. 14. That nothing in the Constitution of the “But would any man say that they received a United States, or any amendment thereto, shall be power which did not preexist at all, and that conid so construed as to authorize any Department of the not have existed before the formation of the com. Government in any manner to interfere with the re- pact? To assume such would be the wildest theory lation of persons held to service in any State where of these wild times. They said that they reserved that relation exists, nor in any manner to establish the right of secession, but he contended that no such or sustain that relation in any State where it is pro- right existed anterior to the Constitution, because,
MR. I ÅMILTON'S SPEECH.
in fact, there was no State that in concert? Hamilton reHamilton's Speech. could secede. Then could it be plied that the right of revo
Hamilton's Speeoh. said that the right of secession lution was not defined by was one of the reserved rights of the States, when it any geographical lines. Not only any State did not exist prior to the formation of the Govern. might rebel, but any number of persons in a ment? Certainly not. There was no right conferred, State had the same right, if any such right exby the adoption of the Constitution, on any State, or the citizens of any State, growing out of that Consti- isted at all. All persons could resort to reyotution, or on the part of any State, or the citizens lution, if they were prepared to take the conof any State, growing out of that compact, that was sequences. The only justification for the violent not permanently provided for by the Constitution, act was to be found in oppression, which it either in precise or general terms. Were this and needed violence to correct. Did any such the other proposition true, then it followed that no oppression exist? He said not. No grievconstitutional or legal right of secession existed at ance of which the South complained, which all. The right of revolution he admitted ; but that could not have been remedied in the Union ! right could not be exercised properly, unless it was Nor did he believe the grievances of such a exercised to uppose oppression and tyranny. The nature as to justify a withdrawal of the question of moral right depended on that of oppres public confidence in the good faith of the sion; and no person had a right to revolutionize Government. The South had a right to deagainst a Government until the Government had become oppressive. Then, if secession involved all mand that the North should treat them with the consequences of revolution, why quarrel about fairness, and that they should receive protecthe terms ?"
tion for their slave property in transit in the He therefore declared that those States Territories. The Republicans themselves adwhich had seceded, or were preparing so to mitted that the Constitution recognized propdo, must take the consequences of revolution. erty in slaves. That they were acting most despotically and To this Lovejoy, of Illinois, dissented. Mr. recklessly, for the interests of other States, Hamilton asked whether or not he (Lovejoy) he asserted to be true. He contended, with believed that the Constitution recognized the much force, that the most despotic power in right of Southern men to the service of those Europe would not dare to change its Consti- who owed them labor? The Illinois member tution or form of government, whereby its replied that, in his view, Slavery, so far as relations would be changed with other pow- the Constitution was erned, existed ers, and the interests of others would be outside of that instrument, under the protecaffected, without first consulting those peo- tion of State rights, which the Constitution ples or nations so affected. Thus, Louisiana had nothing to do with, one way or the had seceded, and, by that act, had cut off the other. State of Texas from the still existing States Hamilton replied that he saw no use in the of the Union. Now this was one of the most constitution, if it guaranteed protection to flagrant breaches upon the rights of others nothing but what was first protected by State that had ever come under his knowledge. laws. It was contended, on the other side, Had Texas foreseen the likelihood of a seces- that Congress had the right to exercise power sion of this kind-had she, for a moment, on the subject of Slavery, as between the imagined that this right of secession existed States, so far as trade, in that property, was in the States, and that, by virtue of it, Loui- concerned, and that it had the right to siana could, at any moment, have seceded deal with it, without restriction on the quesfrom the Union—Texas would never have tion, in the Territories, all which the South joined the Confederacy.
denied. He had ever admitted, even since This forcible argument appealed with such 1836, and at a time when no other man in power to the common sense of his hearers, his State dare dispute the dictation of polithat Hindman, of Arkansas, sought to parry ticians—he had ever contended, since that its force by reverting to the inherent right of time, that the people of a Territory had revolution. He asked Hamilton if it were themselves the power of dealing with Slavery only to be allowed when several States acted as a domestic institution, to be established