ful acknowledgments and thanks for the uniform courtesy and kindness with which I have been treated by those Senators with whom I have had official and social intercourse. And in thus wishing them each a long life of prosperity and peace, I bid them farewell." the peace of the continent should be preserved; and if the present Union is beyond hope, we should still see if some means cannot be devised by reconstruction or otherwise. Such was the appeal of the great State of Virginia. If there be any Senator who indulges the belief that an attempt to force any State This rather defiant good-bye embodied the will not lead to war, there never was a man more deluded. He had said so before, and he repeattrue spirit of secession:-brimming with the ed it now. We have evidence from the section pride of arrogance, its very insolence rendered which had separated, that though they had found it it representative; while the declaration that, necessary to take possession of the forts and arms, if not allowed to go in peace, the revolution-they had done so simply as a measure of precaution, ists would still further seize, plunder and confiscate property, and outrage the Federal Government, shows what a mean estimate the conspirators placed upon the still loyal people and States. Iverson was a man of more than ordinary abilities. He would have adorned any society had his education and associations been more truly Christian. He paled before the greater greatness of Mr. Toombs, and was but an echo. He was only his equal in the sense of the proverb-Facinus quos inquinat æquat. The Virginia Peace A message from the President, communicating the Virginia Peace Congress' resolutions, [see page 300,] called up Mr. Mason, whose avowals were of interest, considering the fact that he was an avowed secessionist, had signed the inflamatory and treasonable "Address," [see page 247,] advising the people of Virginia to hasten into Convention, &c., and that he, generally, had colluded with Toombs, Floyd, Cobb and others to excite the Southern mind to the point of revolution. After moving that the message be printed, he said: "These resolutions were passed by the State of Virginia and transmitted directly to the President, to inform him that Virginia had undertaken the office of mediator between the States. The next object of the resolutions was to induce the President to refrain from any act to produce a collision, with the knowledge that if a collision once occurs, it will be beyond the power of any mortal arm to remedy the evils to follow. It was a great effort Virginia was . thus making to save the country. Virginia had also called a Convention to meet on the 13th of February. But the great object of her mission now was to prevent any further complication, so as to place the difficulty beyond remedy. He trusted the noble effort of Virginia would be successful, at least for the time being. If it should result that the questions are of a character to admit of no solution, still and there was not one, if she should be restored to the Union, or if peace should be restored to the Union, or if peace follow, who would not account for every dollar of the public property. He had seen nothing but an earnest desire to keep the peace, nor had they been actuated by anything like fear. He believed those States were actuated by a desire to keep the peace, and the State of Virginia invokes like feeling from the Government. This was the Dissembling Patri otism. only course to avert the evils which threaten us." It would, secondly, in event of a failure to produce a plan of settlement-as was inevitable, and apparent from the very first conception of the Convention-throw the responsibility of a failure upon the North, and thus so strengthen the secession sentiment in Virginia and North Carolina as to give both States to the revolutionists. All of which Messrs. Mason and Hunter so well realised, that they doubtless regarded the "Peace Congress" as a most happy conception. The message of the President so delighted Clingman, of North Carolina, that he moved THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. to print an extra number. leaders showed more sagacity in the matter than their opponents would have credited. Texas Logic. The Boston Petition. 299 The Southern of Boston, praying for a Hemphill, (Dem.,) of Texas, addressed the Senate. His logic was quite consistent with Texas morals. He claimed that, not only was the State sovereign, but the people in it were sovereign, and could ordain a new Government at will-could leave the Union, with or without cause. Texas had not found safety in the Union; therefore, it would not be surprising if she should seek safety out of it. Coercion against a State could not be exercised under the Constitution. The annexation of Texas was necessary, he averred, to the United States, and Texas was not responsible for the Mexican war. Texas had not received many benefits from her connection with the Union, and, in his judgment, she would be constrained to withdraw, and resume again, her glorious independence! Texas never had any "glorious independence" until the army of General Taylor gave it to her; she never had any secured right to soil and boundaries until the Federal Government conquered it for her; all her prosperity grew out of the protection given her by the United States forts and troops; the United States paid her money (ten millions) for a quitclaim on Territory she never had possessed; the United States surveyed her vast domain, garrisoned her vast frontier, opened her roads, located her harbor channels, and fixed the lights and buoys along her lagune coast; the United States purchased Arizona, to give the Texas-Pacific railway the right of way across the Continent; the United States built her Custom-houses, Court-houses, Postoffices, &c.; the United States sustained her mails at an immense annual deficit in receipts. In return for these innumerable and costly benefits the United States had received-what? The privilege of having as Wigfall and Hemphill in her Senate Chamber, to preach treason, to contemn the Constitution, and to sow the seeds of sedition. such men The House proceedings, Monday, (January 28th), were opened by the presentation of a petition from fourteen thousand citizens John Cochrane, (Dem.,) Resolutions. of New York, introduced Propositions and State Mr. Bigler's propositions, providing for taking the sense of the people of the States on certain amendments of the Constitution. Referred to the Special Committee of Five; as also was a joint resolution by Florence, (Dem.,) of Pennsylvania, proposing amendments to the Constitution. Craige, (Dem.,) of North Carolina, asked, but did not obtain leave, to introduce a resolution inquiring of the Secretary of War how many troops have been ordered here since December last, whence they came, their nature and character, and for what purpose they are concentrated here in a time of profound peace. Campbell, (Rep.,) of Pennsylvania, presented the Resolutions of the Pennsylvania Legislature, expressing ardent attachment to the Constitution and Union, and repugnance to Secession, and pledging the support of that State in such a manner, and to such an extent as may be required for the maintenance of the laws, &c. Mr. Campbell said the resolutions express the sentiment of the people of Pennsylvania. Quarles, (Am.,) of Tennessee, presented Resolutions of the Tennessee Legislature, proposing a Convention of Delegates from the Slaveholding States, at Nashville, on the 4th of February, with a view to the settlement of the difficulties on the basis submitted. The last resolution concludes with a recommendation that, if no compromises were made, then all the Slaveholding States will unite under the Constitution of the United States, with such amendments as their safety and welfare may suggest. This, and the Pennsylvania Resolutions, were laid on the table and ordered to be printed. Vandever, (Rep.,) of Iowa, offered a declaratory joint Resolution, that Congress has no The President's Message. power, under the Constitution, to interfere pointed and are appointing with Slavery under State laws; that whatever Commissioners to meet those of may be the powers of the Federal or a Terri- | Virginia in council. When astorial Government as to Slavery, affords no sembled, they will constitute a body entitled, in an eminent degree, to the confidence of the country. just grounds for a dissolution of the Union; The General Assembly of Virginia have also resolved that it is not expedient to amend the Constithat ex-President John Tyler is hereby appointed hy tution; and that a Government which cannot the concurrent vote of each branch of the General execute the laws is not fit to be maintained. Referred to the Special Committee of Five. Assembly a Commissioner to the President of the United States, and Judge John Robinson is hereby appointed, by a like vote, a Commissioner to the State of South Carolina and the other States that have seceded, or shall secede, with instructions respectively to request the President of the United Morris, (Dem.,) of Illinois, sought to bring matters to a focus, by offering as a resolution: "That the members of this House from the Slaveholding States be respectfully requested to submit to the House an ultimatum proposi-States and the authorities of such States to agree to tion, embracing their views upon the Union, and by which they are willing to stand; and pledge their respective States to stand, now and hereafter, as a final adjustment." On this he moved the previous question, but received only twenty-nine supporting votes. The President's Message. The President's Message, remitting the Virginia resolutions for a Convention, was then received and read as follows: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: "I deem it my duty to submit to Congress a series of resolutions adopted by the Legislature of Virginia on the 19th inst., having in view the peaceful settlement of the existing questions which now threaten the Union. They were delivered to me on Thursday, the 24th inst., by ex-President Tyler, who has left his dignified and honored retirement in the hope that he may render service to his country in this, its hour of peril. These resolutions, it will be perceived, extend an invitation to all such States, whether Slaveholding or non- Slaveholding, as are willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution was originally formed, and consistently with the principles, so as to afford to the people of the Slaveholding States adequate guarantees for the security of their rights, to appoint Commissioners to meet on the 4th day of February next in the City of Washington similar Commissioners appointed by Virginia, to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon some suitable adjustment. I confess I hail this movement on the part of Virginia with great satisfaction. From the past history of this ancient and renowned commonwealth we have the fullest assurance that what she has un dertaken she will accomplish, if it can be done by able, enlightened, and persevering efforts. It is highly gratifying to know that other patriotic States have ap abstain, pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of this General Assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of armis between the States and the Government of the United States. However strong may be my desire to enter into such an agreement, I am convinced that I do not possess the power. Congress, and Congress alone, under the war-making power, can exercise the discretion of agreeing to abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms, between this and any other Government. It would therefore be a usurpation for the Executive to at tempt to restrain their hands by an agreement in regard to matters over which he has no constitutional control. If he were thus to act, they might pass laws which he should be bound to obey, though in conflict with his agreement. Under existing cir cumstances, my present actual power is confined within narrow limits. It is my duty at all times to defend and protect the public property within the Seceding States, so far as may be practicable, and especially to employ the constitutional means to protect the property of the United States and to preserve the public peace at this, the seat of the Federal Government. If the Seceding States abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms, then the danger so much to be deprecated, will no longer exist. Defense, and not aggression, has been the poliey of the Administra tion from the beginning. But while I can enter into no engagement such as that proposed, I cordially commend it to Congress, with much confidence that it will meet their approbation to abstain from passing any law calculated to produce a collision of arms, pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of the General Assembly of Virginia. I am one of those who will never despair of the Republic. I yet cherish the belief that the American people will perpetuate the union of the States on some terms just and honorable for all sections of the country. I trust that the mediation of Virginia may be the des tined means, under the providence of God, of accom THADDEUS STEVENS' VIEWS. plishing this inestimable benefit. Glorious as are the memories of her past history, such an achievement, both in relation to her own fame and the welfare of the whole country, would surpass them all. [Signed] "JAMES BUCHANAN. "WASHINGTON CITY, Jan. 28, 1861." Pryor's speech. The consideration of the Corwin Report was resumed, when Pryor, (Dem.,) of Virginia, addressed the House. He assumed that the Union was dissolved-that the issue now was peaceful recognition of the seceded States or war with them. In view of the attitude of the Republicans, he foresaw a purpose to make war. If it should come the North alone should be held responsible. The South was justified in seceding from the Union, not only because of the wrongs perpetrated on her interest in Slaves but for the further reason of a radical tyranny which had overthrown the Constitution and established a despotism under the guise of a popular majority. He said: "The South is contending for the principles of constitutional freedom, and the rights of self-governmeat, both of which are infringed by the usurpation of the Northern majority. In this sense the cause of the South is the cause of civil liberty, and appeals to universal liberty, and appeals to universal sympathy. The position of the South is still further fortified in the public opinion of the world by her solicitude to redress her grievances peaceably and in the Union. She would accept of any satisfactory guarantees, but the dominant party reject all overtures, and are preparing to enforce submission to their sway." He argued, at some length, for a peaceful separation, announcing his belief that it was in the order of Providence to build up, here, two nationalities, and thus the more fully to advance the cause of freedom and civilization. 801 close for a drama written in wrong and blurred with blood. The This The momentous events of the day closed in a little excitement over a motion by Stanton, (Rep.,) of Ohio, to suspend the rules in order to take up the bill for the more efficient organization of the District Militia, providing that the usual military oath be administered to all the officers thereof. Rules were suspended - 116 to 41. aroused Garnett, of Virginia, Sickles, of New York, and others. The Virginia member said it was a pretty business to establish a Prætorian guard in the Capital upon the occasion of the assemblage of the Virginia Peace Convention. Sickles considered the bill a gratuitous impeachment of the loyalty of Virginia and Maryland to the Union, and implying danger of an attempt on this Capi tol from those States. Notwithstanding this opposition the bill passed by a vote of 119 to 42, when the House adjourned, well satisfied with its day's work. In the House, Tuesday, (January 29th,) Mr. Adrian, (Dem.,) of New Jersey, presented the resolutions passed by the Legislature of New Jersey, expressive of firm attachment to the Union, and the duty of every good citizen to sustain it, and favoring the Crittenden proposition and the calling of a Convention of the States, &c. Laid on the table and ordered to be printed. The special order was then resumed, being the report of the Committee of Thirty-three. Thaddeus Stevens, (Rep.,) of Pennsylvania, gave utterance to his decided sen Thaddeus Stevens' Views. timents in a firm speech. He regretted that, like Mr. Pryor, he had to believe no compromise could be available. When six States are in open and declared rebellion, having seized the public forts and arsenals, and robbed the people of millions of public property; when he saw our harbors blockaded, and armies in array against the flag of our country, which has been insulted, he had no hope that concession, humiliation, or compromise can have any good effect whatever. What confirmed him in this belief, if confirmation was necessary, was to see by the papers that the Kingdom of South Carolina had peremptorily refused to appoint Commissioners, for the reason that they have no desire or intention to promote the objects | peace and thwart the purposes of those plot. declared in the Virginia resolution, viz., to ting against the Union. He was interrupted procure guarantees by amendments to the by Hughes, of Maryland, who said Harris Constitution. As South Carolina is the head was not speaking for that portion of the State and front of the secession movement, this which he (Harris) represented. The reply was the end of negotiation and compromise, was that, according to the best of his judg particularly as it was followed closely by the ment, there was not then a corporal's guard belligerent speech of Mr. Pryor. He (Stevens) in any locality in the State, honestly for sesaw that every Southern Democrat, and, he cession; but confessed that there existed a was sorry to say, that every Slaveholder in smouldering fire ready to burst out if palliathe House, voted against the consideration of tives were not soon administered. He asked the bill to admit Kansas into the Union. The for less eloquence of speech and more eloSouthern States will not be turned from their quence of votes. In his peroration he said: deliberate purpose by soft words or lamenta- "Let me not, instead of our national music, tions. He argued that there were but two hear the Marseillaise, which was not music ways of breaking up the Union-one by to my ears. Flaunt not before my eyes the amendment to the Constitution, the other by flag of a divided nationality, that excites no revolution, which nothing could justify but devotion in my American heart, but let me the most intolerable oppression, a thing that and my people go to our graves with the connowhere exists. He proceeded to speak of secrated melodies ringing in our ears, and Southern cruelties toward Northern men, who over us the dome of the Union with all its are tarred, feathered, and hung by scores. constellated stars. At the late election in Virginia, a man who voted for Lincoln was taken by the chivalry, his face blackened, and exiled from home. It was not safe for Northern men to go into the Southern States. At this point he was interrupted by Rust, of Arkansas, Kunkle, of Maryland, and Webster, of Maryland, who sought either to deny the truthfulness of the statements of injury, or to parry their force by counter instances of Northern oppression. Mr. Stevens resumed, and, with more than his wonted feeling, declared that, rather than make concession to rebels, he would see the Government shivered to atoms. The South wanted a despotism-it could only have it by proving its ability to instate it by force. He assumed that the Executive must enforce the laws even if the worst should come. Winslow's Speech. Winslow, (Dem.,) of North Carolina, addressed the House-taking extreme Southern grounds: if the propositions for constitutional guarantees and a division of Territory was not accepted by the Republicans, the South had nothing further to ask or to offer. He reviewed the proceedings of the Committee of Thirty-three, showing that a great deal of time was spent in debate, when it was obvious the mind of no man was to be changed in any important respect. He remarked that it was gratifying to Southern men to find, with a single exception, they were all agreed on the proposition presented by the gentleman from Arkansas, (Mr. Rust,) and were particularly pleased to find that, simultaneously, the same proposition substantially was presented in the Senate, by the venerable Senator from Kentucky. These propositions demand protection to Southern institutions, and with nothing less than what they contained could the South be satisfied. |