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THE ENGLISH RESOLVE.
body of men to interfere with the free navi- people—these States being parties to the gation of the Mississippi, and what efforts Union—was that they added to the insult of have been made to suppress the same. This the passage of Personal Liberty bills, Underresolution referred to the erection of a battery ground Railroad operations, not only in the on the banks of the Mississippi River, at Border States, but the entire South. He Vicksburg, by order of the authorities of knew gentlemen having lost thousands of Mississippi, which proposed to call every boat dollars worth of negroes who fear to attempt passing down the river to “land and give an to recover them. Kentucky loses $200,000 account of herself”-amounting to a virtual annually in slaves stolen and enticed away. blockading of the river. The resolution was Mr. Lincoln is the first man elected to the laid over.
office of President who announced the docMr. Brown, of Mississippi, speaking for trine of the irrepressible conflict. This house, himself and his colleague, Mr. Davis, an- built by our forefathers, now becomes a house nounced their withdrawal from the Senate, divided against itself. These remarks scarcely in view of the late action of their State.
attracted notice. The palpable misstatements Mr. Mason, of Va., tried to bring forward
in regard to Kentucky's loss, and the usual his resolutions of inquiry, calling upon the exaggeration regarding Northern sentiment, Secretary of War to communicate informa- elicited no catechising from the Republicans.
In the House, Monday, Mr. English (Dem.) tion of reenforcements sent to Charleston harbor and other defences. The Crittenden of Indiana, introduced, or rather“ read for
information,” the following resolution : resolutions were then called, and were finally
“ Resolved, that the present set for consideration on Tuesday.
alarming condition of the coun The 'English'Resolve. Mr. Polk, (Dem.) of Mo., addressed the try imperatively demands that Senate, basing his remarks on Mr. Hunter's Congress should take immediate steps to preserve résolution to withdraw all Federal forces the peace and maintain the Union, by removing, as from Seceded States. His sentiments were far as possible, all causes of sectional irritation and of the usual extreme Southern tone. The unut- division, and, to that end, patriotism should prompt
terable crime of an Anti- a cheerful surrender of all partizan prejudices and Mr. Polk's Views. Slavery triumph had been minor differences of opinion ; and this House, beachieved. The canvas is
lieving the plan of adjustment proposed by the
Honorable John J. Crittenden, in the Senate, Denow over, and Abolitionism has brought, as
cember 18th, 1860, would be an equitable and favorits first offering, astonishment and regret. able compromise, involving no sacrifice to any party From a state of peace the sudden change to or section which should not promptly be made for a state of sectional antagonism had almost the sake of the inestimable blessings of peace and a immediately followed. An unnatural ani- united country, hereby instruct the Committee of mosity exists between sections only separated Thirty-three, heretofore appointed by this House, to by a geographical line, and a universal panic report without delay the necessary measures to prevails throughout the country. The public carry that plan into practical effect.” and private credit are prostrate. , Of the Gov It being objected to by the Republicans, ernment loan of five millions, only half was Mr. English said, at the proper time he taken, and that at usurious rates of interest. should move to suspend the rules. He tried Commerce is curtailed, trade is checked, in- to get it before the House a few hours later, dustry is paralyzed, artisans and mechanics by a motion for the previous question, but are idle, manufactures are stopped, and the the House decided against it. It was killed. operatives discharged. The consequence is Mr. Maynard, of Tennessee, introduced and want and starvation. The Union is tottering had adopted, a resolution instructing a select and ready to fall. Four pillars have already Committee on the President's Special Mesgone, one being of the original thirteen. The sage, to consider that portion which recomadmission of California disturbed the equili- mended to a vote of the people the questions brium between the Slaveholding and Non- at issue between the two sections, and that Slaveholding States. One cause of complaint the Committee, at an early day, report against the action of certain States and their thereon a bill or joint resolution.
Mr. Holman, (Democrat), į tain recognized. He referred to the decisions Holman's Reso
of Indiana, offered resolves of the Supreme Court in support of this view, lutions.
declaring that the right of saying, the unity of the American people pera State to withdraw from its Federal re- vaded the Convention which framed the Conlations is not countenanced by the House, stitution. Any mode of withdrawing from nor sanctioned by the Constitution; but, on the Union, excepting by a Convention, would the contrary, is wholly inconsistent with that be revolutionary. The Government being instrument; that neither Congress nor the sovereign, its first duty is to preserve itself; President is invested with authority to recog- and, being sovereign, where is the power to nize any State once admitted, in any relation dissolve it? He argued, it would be unjust, except as a State of the Union ; that power unsafe and inexpedient for some States to seto protect the public property should be ex- cede from the others, for with the possession ercised, and that the Committee on Judiciary of the Southern forts and the aid of foreign inquire and report whether laws are now powers, they would be capable of inflicting sufficient for the purpose, and, if not, that it great wrongs upon the commerce of the adherreport a bill, giving additional powers, by ing State. He spoke of the Mississippi valley the employment of the Navy, or otherwise. as a geographical unity, which the people of These stirring resolves provoked debate, and the great North-west could not consent to had, therefore, to lie over. They were in- share with a foreign power. He had heard dicative of a purpose, on the part of the much about coercion. But was it coercion for Northern Democrats, to sustain the Union us to do what we have sworn to do; namely, and the laws to the end, by the employment uphold the Constitution and the laws, and of the entire powers of the Executive and of stay the lawless, violent hand that would Congress.
tear down the Government? Were we to be Another significant step was a motion, by required to submit to State spoliations? No? Mr. Stanton, (Rep.,) of Ohio, to make the spe- Such submission would be disgraceful, utter cial order for Tuesday the bill for organizing imbecility. But if we must submit let it be and disciplining the militia of the District of proclaimed that our system of Government is a Columbia. Objected to by the Southern side, splendid failure. In the course of his remarks and lost by one majority on a motion to sus- he earnestly appealed to the Northern States pend the rules. The Army appropriation bill to remove the grievances which are complainthen came up for consideration in Committee ed of. He believed the Northern States would of the Whole on the State of the Union. all do so when the sober second thought of Speeches were made by McClernand, (Dem.,) the citizens had time to act. When the of Illinois, and Cox, (Dem.,) of Ohio, both anti-Slavery agitation commenced in the looking to a vigorous policy to sustain the North, he could not say that the South were Union. Mr. McClernand assumed that when blameless
. The Garrisons and the Philipses find danger could not be averted it was then the their counterpart in the Rhetts and Yanceys. point of wisdom to meet it-to endeavor to Such men, in fact, formed the two great secoverthow it. In this spirit he proposed to tional parties. In conclusion he appealed to
deal with the question of all Conservative men to rally in favor of the McClernand's
Secession now upon us. integrity of the Constitution, merge the parSpeech.
He denied the right of any tizan in the patriot, and make a generous State to secede from the Union, and depre-sacrifice on the altar of their country, for the cated the consequences of any such assumed general welfare and happiness of all. right, as a measure of revolution which must A dispatch from Washington to the Assonecessarily, in the present case, embroil the ciated Press said, in regard to this speech : country in a sanguinary and wasteful war. In “The speech of Mr. McClernand, of Illinois
, his legal argument he said the idea of nation- in its geographical, commercial and national ality is as old as the Rovolution itself, that significance, is producing quite a sensation that war was a national measure. The treaty here. It is rallying the Union feeling.” Mr. of 1783 was made as a nation which Great Bri-Corwin, from the Committee of Thirty-three
reported. The report was made the Special | and, if slte cannot get her rights in, she will Order for Monday, January 21st.
have them out of the Union. The Northern In the House, Tuesday, Mr. Reagan, (Demo- States have done nothing to show the Southcrat) of Texas, having the floor, proceeded to ern States that they shall have security in define his views. The speech gave rise to a the Union, because to give Southerners their spirited debate, in which Mr. Stanton, of Constitutional rights would be to disband Ohio, showed an unflinching determination the Republican party; but, by the violation not to be rode down, nor to suffer - gross of the Constitution they are enabled to make libels on the North to pass uncontradicted. war on the South. In reviewing parts of Mr. Reagan said he came to the capital with Mr. McClernand's speech Mr. Reagan said:
the hope that such meas- One accepts independence, with all its conseReagan's Assault. ures might be brought quences, rather than base submission and
forward by those who have eternal ruin. the power to control the question, as would Mr. McClernard remarked that his position assure the South of future security. The was that of a Unionist, opposing both exRepublicans have held sullenly back, and de-tremes in North and South. clared that they have no terms of peace to offer. Mr. Reagan replied, that he knew the poIn view of such facts four States have already sition of the Illinois member, individually, gone out of the Union, and others are rapidly but asked him to consider what it was which seceding. Unless, by the 4th of March, some- had brought the South to its present conthing is done to arrest this movement, we dition. If their rights had not been denied, will see but few Southern States in the no disunion would have been raised. He reUnion. The irrepressible conflict had cul- ferred to the history of Texas, and the means .minated too soon for its authors—behold the by which she won her independence, and result! They mean to effect the humiliation spoke of the recent alleged insurrections in and desolation of the South, or a dissolution that State. He charged that the Methodists of the Union. They have reached that logi- were all emissaries of the spirit of incendiarcal end. He proceeded to show that the ism—that it was their ministers, their memcondition of the Negroes, in no portion of bers, who had sought to light the fires of the world, could compare favorably in bless- insurrection in that State. ings with those of our own country. Would This charge called up Mr. the North, if they were freed, accept them as Stanton. He pronounced Stanton's Replg. freemen? No. You would fight the South the imputations of the with all your energy and power against such Texas member to be an unwarrantable libel on an influx, and yet you demand the South to the Methodists. They were not incendiaries, liberate 4,000,000 of slaves, and break up the not fanatics, not inciters to crime and desocial order, and commercial and political bauchery. As a society they doubtless did prospects, and retain the Negro element regard African Slavery as unwise, unchristian, among us. You never consider the relative and immoral, and it was probable that wherposition of the two races, and what is to ever the members of it might go, they would be the end of your conduct. He spoke of carry that opinion with them. He added: the destruction of manufactures and com “The speech of the gentleman from Texas is merce which would be produced by the abo- rather extraordinary in this, that when he seeks, as lition of Slavery. The cry of treason had he says, some measure of conciliation from this side been raised against certain States, and the of the House that shall avoid civil war and disunion, blockade of their ports threatened; but if he at the same time announces to the political orthis be attempted those concerned will, like Union cannot be preserved except by its absolute
ganization which elected the President, that this a famous general, find a fire in front as well disorganization and destruction. Now as a mere
He knew no Southern State political organization, he cared nothing for any parthat asked more than its constitutional rights, ty. They are all secondary and subordinate considand, so far as Texas is concerned, she is un-erations with me. But the principles on which this alterably determined never to submit to less; Government was founded, by whatever party they
'as in the rear.
may be advocated now, cannot be surrendered un- | Slavery is a local institution, depending upon local der any threat of civil war or apprehension of seces- statute laws--that it cannot exist beyond the limit sion. This may as well be clearly understood first of the State by virtue of whose laws it is established. as last. And, if the principles of the Republican The Democratic party holds that African Slavery is party cannot be vindicated as historical, and as con- a national institution, established and maintained by secrated by all the fathers of the Republic as being in National Constitution, existing everywhere where it acquiescence with the history of the country for fifty is not prohibited by statute local law. Now, whoyears, I am prepared to abandon it, and surrender ever maintains that Slavery is a local statute law is, the organization today. I stand pledged to main | whether he knows it or not, a Republican, and if not tain here, by the authority of the fathers and the in the party, he ought at once to join it; and every principles of the Constitution, that the Republican man who holds that Slavery is a national institution, party claims and maintains no principle, proposes existing everywhere by the force of the Constitution to carry out no doctrines and no policy, that has not where not prohibited by local law, is a Democrat, the sanction of the Constitution. Occupying that and if not already, should, as early as possible, join ground, and maintaining these principles, gentlemen that party. cannot drive us from it by an apprehension of con
“Now, all questions about which we differ, arise sequences, from whatever quarter they may come from and grow out of that necessary and natural He was utterly astounded that the gentleman from cardinal difference. You say that the nationality of Texas should assume here, as a conceded proposi- Slavery is established and maintained by those protion, that the Republican party was organized on visions in the Constitution which authorizes the rethe idea of the ultimate and utter extinction of Sla capture of fugitive slaves in the Free States. Judge very in the States. Now, if that gentleman would Taney is the organ of the Democratic party on this undertake to circulate my reply among the people position. That position we deny, and base our de of his district in Texas, at the rate of one for nial upon the declaration of the framers of the Conevery two which I am willing to circulate of his stitution and the Convention which framed it. On among my people, he would much enlighten his con- several occasions, when the proposition was made stituents on the true principles of the Republican for a clause to authorize masters to pursue fugitive party, and disabuse their minds of their misconcep-slaves and recapture them, objection was made, not tions."
because the thing was not proper in itself, but beThe Texas member here interposed, saying cause the phraseology threw out the idea that that he did not consider Mr. Stanton an ex- Slavery was recognized. A change was made in the ponent of the Republican party. This did terms--that Persons owing service or labor in one not serve any purpose but to call up a “live State, by the law thereof, escaping into another, Republican,” in the person of Marston, of shall not, by reason of the law in that State, be exN. H., who repeated Mr. Stanton's assevera- cused from such service, but shall be delivered up tion, and assumed the declaration to be those to whom such service is due. Again, the language of the party. He added :-“I know of no of the provisions of the Constitution itself designates Republican who looks upon the Republi
a Person escaping from service or labor ; and every can organization as one designed, directly or
man, who ever read the law books, must know that
the difference between a Person and a thing is here indirectly, now or in the future, present or remote, to interfere with Slavery in the recognized. Chattels are things, and persons are
creations of God, having rational accountability, and States.” To this Mr. R. replied, that Mr. are immortal beings, and therefore the Constitution Seward had averred that the “irrepressible treats them as persons. Again, what do you want conflict” would be the overthrow of Slavery. with the Fugitive Slave law? Why have you not Mr. Stanton retorted that many men had en- constitutional provisions for recaptaring horses and tertained various philosophical opinions re- cows? Simply because the Constitution recognizes garding the ultimate issues of the present so- property in every thing property by common law, cial status of the two systems of labor, but, and therefore the Courts in every State are bound to the opinions were those of individuals only. recognize the constitutional title of any party who The speaker then resumed his argument:
follows property and claims through the law of the “I desire to lay down, in a state to which he goes, and where his property is
found. Stanton's Reply. few words, what I regard as
the great leading and distin “What do you want with constitutional provisions guishing feature of the two political parties of the for the recapture of fugitive slaves? You want it country. The Republican party holds that African because it is not part of the Constitution. You can
not capture your slaves without and control over the slave Stanton's Reply. special provisions, recognized by while there. Now, if a gentle Stanton's Reply.
the States surrendering the per- man go into a Free State with son escaped. Under this same provision of the Consti- his slaves, and the slaves become rebellious, has he tution you follow from one State to another indented not a right, according to his constitutional claim, to apprentices who escape from their masters, to whom subdue that rebellious disposition, and to reduce them they are bound for a term of years; you follow a to obedience, and to inflict reasonable correction? Is child who is supposed by law to owe you service, not that so? Very well; by what light is that law to and you may follow a wife, who, according to the be regarded but by the law of the State from whence same legal fiction, owes you service, and reclaim he came ? Now, suppose a man brings a slave into them under the same provision. Will you claim that a Free State, and a controversy arises between children and wives are property within the meaning them, the slave refusing obedience to the master, of the provisions of the Constitution? Yet they are the latter undertakes to inflict chastisement upon covered by this same provision. The doctrine I put him, and he is resisted. In that case the slave may forth here is sustained by all the eminent statesmen be killed, and the master is forth with indicted for of the country that have given an opinion upon this murder. On trial it is claimed that the master was question, from the organization of the Government, exercising his constitutional right in inflicting reathat Slavery is a local institution, depending upon sonable chastisement, and the Courts of the Free local State laws, and has no existence outside the States must recognize the law of the Slave States in State within which it exists.
* defining and punishing the crime. Again, if you The Constitution of the United States is the law of take slaves into a Free State, I claim you take them the land, and all State Constitutions and State laws there con amore, and the slave ceases to be part of coming in conflict with it are null and void. I desire your property. Now, a Southern planter, having to know upon what principle we can exclude Slavery purchased goods in New York, goes there and takes from the Free States, or prevent any man coming in his slave with him. The master gets into debt to with slaves and making a Free State his domicile ? the merchant, who files his affidavits, and has a writ Indeed, if Slavery existed by virtue of the Constitu- issued, and gets an attachment, and arrests the tion we could not prevent him. I cannot prevent a slave, being property, and subjects him to sale for man from Kentucky going with his Bourbon whiskey the satisfaction of the master's debt. Again, supor his Durham cow across to Ohio and settling there, pose a slaveowner goes into a Free State and conbecause it was his constitutional right to do so, and tracts debts, and dies there before they are paid, Ohio could not invade that right; and if slaves be and leaves three or four slaves behind him. His property in the same sense, as you contend, how can credito's take out the letters of administration, and we prevent you from coming to Ohio and domiciling can seize upon the slaves as property, and can sell and holding your slaves as property there ? Gen- them in satisfaction of the debt. Now when you tlemen claim that this is the Constitution, and that have established this state of things, I want you to if it is not it ought to be so."
know how much you will fall short of making this This severe and forcible application of
one grand consolidated Slaveholding Confederacy?
There is an essential difference between the two orprinciple to practice created some stir on the Southern side of the House. It was by far rights for the slaveholders, and the others resist
ganizations indeed, because one claims all these the most searching because the most practi- them as unconstitutional. And yet we are told by cal expose of the assumptions of right in slaves the gentlemen from Texas that unless the Republias property under the Constitution. The can organization disbands itself, and recognizes speaker was interrupted by Mr. Crawford, of these constitutional demands, civil war must come, Geo., and Reagan, of Texas, but he fastened and the Government must be overthrown.” upon them the logical deductions of their Stanton's closing remarks succeeded in setclaims of property—that of taking and hold- ting the Georgia members at loggerheads in ing it in Free as well as in Slave States or the matter of the forts' seizure. Crawford Territories. The argument on this point is said the seizure was justifiable, and Georgia 80 clear and strong that we quote it :
held herself responsible for the act. Hill, (of " When you go into a Free State not regulated Geo.) said the State had not seized any porby the laws of the State where you come from— tion of the public property. It was a mob for they deny the right of a master to exercise which had committed the act. He disclaimcontrol over the slave--you claim to carry with ed, for Georgia and its State Government, you into a Free State the right to exercise dominion any responsibility for the act. Mr. Crawford