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point his finger to command her obedience. | disdain of results, which rendered him the He would have taken the State “out of the very model of a revolutionist. He gained the Union” if his constituents all had opposed. right of leadership by priority of discovery, He entered into the conspiracy like a Cartha-"always having prophecied a Southern Conginian, to conquer, not to be conquered. federacy.” John Forsythe, Mr. Clay, Mr.
In Florida, United States Curry, all confessed to his ascendancy, and Senator, David L. Yulee, submitted to his unnegatived dictum.
assumed the proud distinc- Arkansas, in Albert Rust, tion of a second Cromwell. Not that he at one of her two Representaall resembled the Puritan. His scorn was to tives in the Lower House be thought to have the most distant kinship of Congress, found her ablest director. The to anything which sounded like Plymouth Senators of that State possessed comparRock; but, like Cromwell, he preferred fight atively little popular influence; but Mr. to philosophy, and, from his high place in Rust, “smelling of Arkansas soil and breaththe National Senate, marshalled the confidanting the untamed spirit of her wilds," conhost of Florida (the entire State polls less trolled the popular heart to an unlimited than fifteen thousand votes), against the degree. Able in Congress, fearless in spirit, Government. With little of the prudence, true to his Southern convictions and associabut with all the vanity requisite for hazard- tions, he was admirably fitted to lead the whirlous enterprize, he assumed to walk in the wind and direct the storm of rebellion in his footsteps of his illustrious superior, Toombs, young State. The State was loyal to the -like old Hickory's body servant, to do his Union until he declared for secession-then, “ dragooning."
Arkansas was ready for the “precipitous" act. South Carolina was mov- In Texas, Wigfall, United Omnes. ed by the spirit of her dead States Senator, was the spirit Wigfall.
Calhoun. She had leaders of discord, par excellence. -indeed she had many leaders, so proliflc is With all the bravado of Toombs, but without the little State in men actuated to take his common sense—with none of the shrewd“ leading positions." But, they all consulted ness of Slidell, and all of the vanity of Yulee the shade of the Great Departed, like mid- and Yancey combined—with a real genius for night devotees of Memnon, and sought to a “10w," Wigfall entered into the game of revmake unto themselves no graven image that olution with as much zest as a pearl-hunter, did not bear the impress of his erect hair and who, having discovered a new placer, is eager to lion's mein. South Carolina's misfortune was try the perils of the deep soundings. Though in having so many leaders : Rhett, jun, and sen., erratic, visionary, fickle and intractible, he
r, Memminger, Adams, Pickens, Jamison, embodied so many of the requisites of a good Keitt, Hammond, Chestnut, Boyce, Barnwell, conspirator, in his dashing, reckleşs, brilliant Withers, Bonham, McQueen, Ashmore, Hayne, ways, that the greater conspirators made him Preston, Dunkin, Calhoun, Butler, Miles, a very useful and trenchant instrument in Magrath, Gist and the Charleston Mercury. “precipitating” Texas out of the keeping of For a State numbering fifty thousand voters Old San Jacinto Houston—who sat like Ereit may be said that South Carolina was pretty bus at her gates--into the arms of the black well provided with “men for the crisis.” No mistress of the Slave Republic. wonder she rebelled!
These are the political priests whose incanAlabama was led by Wm. tations shaped the shadow of Disunion into Yancey. L. Yancey, ex-Member of life—whose ministrations at the dark altar
Congress, who was in heart confirmed a revolution, which, but for them, and soul a disunionist. Disappointed po- never had been. litically, irrational as an economist, reckless in courage, immaculate in egotism, and We have adverted, in the previous chapter, as impatient of control as an Indian, he pos- to the arbitrary manner in which the State sessed that power over multitudes, and that Conventions conducted their proceedings.
A PLANTER'S CONFESSION.
The spirits of just men overtures. The success of this policy would be disSecret agents.
made perfect--of the Fa- astrous to the cause of Southern Union and Indepen
thers of our Independence, dence, and it is necessary to resist and defeat it. evidently did not preside over those assem
The Association is preparing pamphlets with this blages. The more palpable spirits of those special object. Funds are necessary to enable it to
act promptly. * The 1860 Association' is laboring named above were there, to drive out the
for the South, and asks your aid. people and drive in the reign of terror,
"I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, which they, as leaders, would direct while
“ROBERT N. GOURDIN, the people should obey. But, this tyranny,
“Chairman of the Executive Committee." as we have had occasion to remark, began
The man who refused his contributions, to with the incipient steps of the revolu- aid in this and other semi-secret organization. The organizations of secret societies commenced early in November. In them the which he was glad, eventually, to escape by
tions, was at once placed under ban, from plotters of the movement were sure to secure liberal contributions and a zealous interest in reliable and most powerful assistants. Hence,
“the cause." as stated on previous pages, (135 et sequitur,) the organization of “ Vigilance Associations," of Delegates to the State Conventions, these
When the day approached for the election "Minute Men,” “Brotherhoods,” &c. The following circular will show to what an ex- turbulent and implacable men of every
organizations were made to embrace the most tent these organizations contributed to bring neighborhood, to incur whose enmity was the Southern mind up to the seceding point:- simply to incur outrage. To vote for, or " EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, « THE 1860 ASSOCIATION,' to speak for, the Union, was to risk both life “CHARLESTON, Nov. 19, 1860.
and property; and though, in many localities, " In September last, several gentlemen of Charles
a strong sentiment prevailed against disunion ton met to confer in reference to the position of the South in the event of the accession of Mr. Lincoln and revolution, it was suppressed by fears of and the Republican party to power. This informal a persecution, which few indeed could dare. meeting was the origin of the organization known in This extensive suppression of sentiment, by this community as “The 1860 Association.' violent and organized bodies of men, had too The objects of the Association are :
many evidences of existence to be put aside "First: To conduct a correspondence with leading in any rationale of the conspiracy and its conmen in the South, and by an interchange of informa- summation. tion and views, prepare the Slave States to meet the Single incidents will, impending crisis.
sometimes, throw a flood of "Sscond: To prepare, print, and distribute in the
light upon a wide field of Slave States tracts, pamphlets, &c., designed to awaken them to a conviction of their danger, and to becomes a specific witness which ten thou
inquiry. The case narrated on page 134 thus urge the necessity of resisting Northern and Federal aggression.
sand general denials cannot set aside in evi" Third: To inquire into the defences of the State dence. We have another authenticated narand to collect and arrange information which may rative in a letter from Savannah, Georgia, aid the Legislature to establish promptly an effective dated January 7th, which can be regarded as military organization.
"representative” in its illustration of the ** To effect these objects, a brief and simple Consti- means by which the elections were controlled. tution was adopted, creating a President, a Secre- A gentleman, residing in Georgia but a brief tary and Treasurer, and an Executive Committee, period, expressed surprise to a planter that specially charged with conducting the business of the men of property there should submit to the Association. One hundred and sixty-six thou the headlong course of the Secessionists. sand pamphlets have been published, and demands - You must bear in mind," "the gentleman for further supplies are received from every quarter. The Association is now passing several of them wrote, in detailing the interview, “that this through a second and third edition.
planter was a Slaveholder, Southern by birth, "The Conventions in several of the Southern States by education, and in feeling, hating the Rewill soon be elected. The North is preparing to publican party with a terrible bitterness, soothe and conciliate the South, by disclaimers and calling them all Abolitionists, and Mr. Ham
A Planter's Confes.
lin' a free negro ;' he was a man of considera- ances are shy of me. This is not so much beble importance in his own neighborhood, and, cause they fear the present consequences of as I learned from the salutation of an ac- acknowledging they know me, but they say it quaintance, a magistrate also. From his con- may prejudice them by and by.' 'How is versation in the cars I had discovered, how- that ?? Why I can't tell you better than to ever, that he was not a rabid Secessionist, if repeat what one of the fastest Secessionists in favor of secession at all.” This encouraged said the other day about Stephens. Nerer the correspondent to seek, if possible, some mind,' said he,' when the State goes out, and solution of his doubts. The result was thus we are on our own hook, these fellows have detailed :
got to walk straight and keep quiet, or they'll "As we waited, one of the noisy Disunion- walk into trouble.'” ists to be seen everywhere, was haranguing a “ I spoke then of the approaching election lot of people, roaring for war, and cursing the of delegates, asking if the freedom of the balAdministration heartily; when we had reach- | lot was not allowed. He replied that he ed the other end of the platform and were believed men were permitted to vote for alone, my companion said, quietly enough, but whom they chose to vote, but the trouble with a sort of weary irony: “That is a fair was to have such candidates put up as they specimen of the teachers of the Southern people wanted to vote for. "See here,' said he, 'let -no other teachers are now allowed. We have us suppose we have a meeting to nominate a good deal changed lately; I would not candidates. There are to be resolutions have believed, ten years ago, that the time adopted, and the meeting must express its would ever come when I couldn't stand up views on the question of secession. But if in Georgia and say what I thought best to there happen to be twenty or thirty such felsay, at least free from personal peril, and that lows as that one out there present, they will such a man as that yonder would ever repre-control the meeting, hinder the anti-Secessent the class which entirely controls the sionists from saying anything, and will rush shifting people. I have certain decided through their resolutions and carry their opinions upon the policy of immediate se- nominations just because no one could oppose cession, or of secession at any time. I have them with safety. It is all very well to talk the right to hold such opinions; it is my about boldness --- but a mob is a mob, and no duty to hold some decided views, situated honor comes from maltreatment at their as I am in my county. But I cannot come hands. So, don't you see we might about as out openly, loudly, boldly, in defence of my well be forbidden to vote for whom we please opinions, with the desire to spread them. I as to be forbidden to nominate, or advocate should be injured in my property-perhaps, the nomination of whom we please? I have probably, indeed, in my own person; yes, I the right to vote for A, B, or C, on the 2d of am ashamed to say, I believe I should be January, if I choose ; but neither of them is mobbed, that my buidings would be burned, a candidate, and I am not allowed, a week and that I should be forced to leave the before the 2d, to make a speech in favor of State. For when a man once falls under the either of them.'” ban of the mob, though they only threaten The reader, in this case, has the story, not him to-day they will doubtless return to-mor- of an individual but of a whole people-of row and burn his property, and the next seven States. The elective franchise became day they will bring a rope with them, look- the merest mockery; freedom of opinion ing out along the way for a convenient tree dared not be exercised, except in a few favwith a strong limb. I said to him: 'Can it ored localities, where the Union men were be that you do not exaggerate the danger of too determined to be put down. The iron making your opinions known ?' He replied: rule of the new order of things weighed 'I do not exaggerate. I know what I am down press, pulpit, telegraph, people, like a talking about. I am even now, at home, re- visitation of darkness, while, out of the tergarded with suspicion, because my views are ror inspired by the self-constituted guardians well known, and some of my oldest acquaint-of “ Southern institutions " sprung the dragon
of revolution, full fledged for its work of abas- expression of opinion is needed. Neither is such ing constitutional liberty.
expression needed as to the character of the PermanAnother point in the se ent Government. The character of the people have The People Out. lawed.
cession programme here de- indicated and it is expressed in the report-it must
serves consideration. The be a Government as nearly similar as possible to the fact that the Secession Ordinances never were
Federal Constitution. We need no discussion before submitted to the people of their respective
the people, nor other expression of their views on that
point. Beside these views, in themselves conclusive States, for adoption, modification or rejec- to any mind, no statesman would willingly throw tion, has been frequently referred to in evi- such grave issues before the people after once redence of the tyranny exercised, by the Con-ceiving their decision, until the irritations and preventions and leaders, over the people. Why judices and passion of the previous contest had were those instruments of disorganization, so cooled.” potent of evil and of change, not subjected to “There is another reason why I oppose the electhe calm scrutiny and judgment of the peo- tion of another Convention. Such a proposition has ple? We have, in the speech of Mr. Yancey, a tendency to reopen the question of Secession, by before the Alabama Convention, January 24th, bringing up the issue of a re-construction of the the argument of justification for a refusal to Federal Government. It allows such an issue to be let the legal voters of the State pass judg- cnmstances ? From the signs of the times, it would
made—it invites it, in fact. And under what cirment on the proceedings of the Convention.
seem as if coercive measures were to be adopted. We shall transfer to these pages a portion of If so, about the time of such an election the people the speaker's remarks as prima facie evidence will be bearing the burdens of such a contest. Comof the predetermined usurpation of a ruler's mercial and agricultural interests will be suffering. prerogatives by the leaders of the secession Debts will be hard to pay. Provisions will be movement—of the purpose to carry the scarce. Perhaps death at the hands of the enemy States out of the Union, whether or not the will have come to the doors of many families. Men's people consented. He said:
minds, thus surrounded and affected by strong per*** “The people have had this question of sonal and selfish considerations, will not be in that Secession before them for a long time, and have ma
calm and well-balanced condition which is favorable turely considered it in two late elections—namely, to a correct and patriotic judgment of the question. those for electors of President, and for delegates to The very state of things will perhaps exist which this body. The issue was as distinctly made in one our Black Republican enemies predict will exist, as in the other, and in both they decided the issue and which they sneeringly rely upon to force our in favor of Secession.
people to ask for readmission into the Union. Shall
we, the selected friends and deputies of the people, “They have intrusted their delegates with unlimited aid these wily and malignant enemies of our State power-power to consider, determine, and do by laying this whole question, as it culminates in its whatever, in the opinion of this Convention, the rights, interests, and honor of the State of Alabama progress, on the very eve of final triumph, back to
the consideration of a people thus surrounded and requires to be done for their protection. The law
influenced by most unpropitious circumstances ? To that authorized the election contained that enumeration of ample authority, and the people indorsed it. friend of a reconstruction of the Federal Government,
do so might well accord with the purposes of a We have been selected for our supposed wisdom, but in my opinion it is a policy which every true experience in public affairs, integrity, and courage, friend of the people should condemn. I avow my. to take all proper responsibility in the premises.
self as utterly, unalterably opposed to any and all " But, it is said,why not call another Convention to rati- plans of reconstructing a Union with the Black Re
publican States of the North. No new guarantees fy the Permanent Government to be adopted ? I an.
no amendments of the Constitution-no peaceful swer, because it is unnecessary. A permanent Government for a Southern Confederacy was looked for resolutions-no repeal of offensive laws can offer to
me any, the least, inducement to reconstruct our reby the friends of secession-was spoken of and entered into all the discussions in the late canvass. It
lations with the Non-Slaveholding States." was a part of the plan of secession, and when the
In this the reader will find all the excuse people decided for secession, they decided for a the revolutionists have to offer for their usurSouthern Confederacy. Therefore in that point we pations. The only fact bearing out the claim already know the views of the people, and no new for justification, is that stated in the first par
agraph, viz: That the delegates should tary establishment of the United States has been “ have power to consider, determine, and do incurred in defending the Southwestern frontier. The whatever, in the opinion of this Convention,” troops, meanly surprised and betrayed in Texas, &c., &c. When we look at all the circum- were sent there to protect her defenceless border stances attendant upon the passage of the settlements from the tomahawk and scalping knife. Convention bills by the State Legislatures
, If, to all this expenditure, we add that of the forts, under pressure of the leaders of the pre-deter- and the other public buildings in these regions,
the navy yards, the court-houses, the custom-houses, mined revolution--that the nomination of $500,000,000 of the public funds—of which, at least, delegates was made under the same pressure five-sixths have been levied by indirect taxation that, to vote for a Unionist, or a Re-construc- from the North and Northwest-have been expendtionist, was to be subjected to violence-weed in and for the Gulf States in this century.” may safely declare that no baser tyranny ever Well might the eminent essayist demandwas practised upon a people under the forms “Would England, would France, would any of law, and constitutional procedure.
government on the face of the earth, surrender, It is not possible to view without a death-struggle, such a dear-bought Federal Rights of Pur. the question of the right territory?” But, the case is strengthened, in chase and Property,
of secession in its practical special instances, where special obligations aspects without adverting to the claims which have been incurred. Louisiana, for example
, the Federal Government has upon a seceded has, for many years, been“ protected” in her State, by the unquestioned right of original sugar culture to the extent of about seten purchase ; by the right of immense advances millions of dollars annually, which the country made for improvements for internal and ex- has had to pay in duties levied expressly at ternal protection; by the expenses incurred in her behest and for her benefit alone ---the sustaining, in the State, mails, courts, Custom- duty exacted serving to enrich the State and houses, &c., against heavy annual deficits of to enhance the value of its negroes and planreceipts ;-claims which, if against any gov- tations. Over sixty millions of dollars have ernment or individual, would be adjudged
thus been specially contributed by the common good in law and in equity before any tribunal country to sustain Louisiana property and inin the world, excepting, of course, any in the terests. It need not be urged that other secSouthern States.
tions of the Union have been protected, in a Mr. Everett thus states the facts of the ori- similar manner, by duties, to enhance the ginal cost to the Federal treasury of the seve
value of their products. Other States so ral Gulf States :
protected were loyal to all their obligations
to the Union, and requited them by adding “Look at the case, for a moment, in reference to the cost of the acquisitions of territory, made on
immensely to the prosperity and resources of this side of the continent, within the present century
the common government. We have yet to -- Florida, Louisiana, Texas, and the entire coast of ascertain that an enhancement of the price of Alabama and Mississippi—vast regions acquired negroes and of Louisiana sugar estates has from France, Spain, and Mexico, within sixty years. enured to the benefit of the common country, Louisiana cost $15,000,000, when our population was in any respect. Louisiana alone has received five millions, representing, of course, a burden of the direct and exclusive benefit of the tax, $90,000,000 at the present day. Florida cost $5,000- and, in the account current which stands 000, in 1820, when our population was less than ten charged against her, the sixty millions will millions, equal to $15,000,000 at the present day, be- be entered by posterity as a portion of her sides the expenses of General Jackson's war in 1818, debt to the Union. The Union! What does and the Florida war of 1840, in which some $80,000- not Louisiana owe to it? What has she ever 000 were thrown away, for the purpose of driving a received from it but benefits? What harm handful of starving Seminoles from the Everglades. Texas cost $200,000,000 expended in the Mexican or wrong did the Union ever do to her ? war, in addition to the lives of thousands of brave None—none! not even to the stealing of a men; besides $10,000,000 paid to her in 1850, for negro by “Northern Abolitionists.” Tire unceding a tract of land, which was not hers, to New kindness, the baseness, the insolence of an Mexico. A great part of the expense of the mili- ingrate must ever attach to her escutcheon