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with the present, not the past. He was now dissolved. That is a fixed fact to consider the safety of the country, and was lying in the way of this discus Toombs' Speech. here as advocate of the Union, contending sion, and men may as well

heed it. for what he thought would save the country.

One of your confederates has already Was a great party grown up which would wisely, bravely, boldly, met the public danger, and

confronted it. She is only ahead and beyond any introduce the Anti-Slavery principle, and was that the principle on which it had tri- of her sisters, because of her greater facility of ac

tion. The great majority of these sister States. umphed? This triumph filled some portion under like circumstances, consider her cause as of the Southern States with alarm. Will the their cause ; and I charge you, in their name, here, party now in the proud triumph of victory to-day, 'touch not seguretum.' While my friend plant itself on platforms and dogmas and not from Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden,) while the House yield an inch, or will they, like generous men, of Representatives are debating the constitution. be not only just but liberal ? He appealed, ality and the expediency of seceding from the Union, to them as patriots and countrymen to grant and while the perfidious authors of all this mischief equal rights to all. He did not think he was are showering down denunciations upon a large porasking them to make concessions, but only to tion of the patriotic men of this country, those grant equal rights. He did not believe in brave men are calmly and coolly effecting what you

call revolution. Aye, Sir, better than that-an armthe doctrine of secession. It was a new doc- ed defense. They appealed to the Constitution and trine, and an attempt to secede with the bold to justice—they appealed to fraternity, until the front of a revolution, is nothing but lawless constitutional justice and fraternity was no longer violation of the law and the Constitution. listened to in the legislative halls of the country. But he only wanted to bear his testimony to And then, Sir, they prepared for the arbitrament of the Constitution, and to let it be known that the sword. Now, Sir, you may see the glitter of the the Constitution cannot be broken. If a State bayonet, and hear the tramp of armed men, from wishes to secede, let them proclaim revolution your capital to the Rio Grande. boldly, and not attempt to hide themselves “My own position, and my own demands, as I under little subtleties of law, and claim the will now give them, are considered the demands of right of secession. A constitutional right to an extreme person, and what you, who talk of Conbreak the Constitution, was a new doctrine. the term. I believe for all the acts which the "Re

stitutional right, consider treason. I believe that is He argued that Mr. Webster always went publican party call treason and rebellion, there against any right of secession. On one side stands before them as good a traitor and as good a was an asked concession, and on the other rebel as ever descended from revolutionary loins. side was civil war,

What does this rebel demand? That these States Mr. Toombs, having the bave equal rights to go into the common Territories Mr. Toombs' Speech.floor, next followed. His and remain there with their property, and be pro

speech having been set for tected by the Government till such Territories shall Monday, had drawn a very crowded auditory become States. We have fought for this Territory to wait upon its delivery. It was well under- when blood was its price. We have paid for it when stood that it would define the extreme South- money was the price. I demand only that I have ern programme. It was, as anticipated, ex- leave to go into these Territories upon terms of tremely violent and defiant; in many portions equality with you, as equal in this great confederacy, it was rank with treasonable threat and and enjoy my own property, receiving the protecdeclaration ; in its entire spirit and matter it into the Union as a Sovereign State, and choose

tion of a common Government until they shall come exemplified the irreconcileable nature of his their own institutions. I demand, second, that proviews, and those even of the Conservatives in perty in slaves be entitled to the same protection the two Houses. We shall re-produce sa from Government as all other property, and that much of it as may be necessary to indicate its the Government shall never interfere with the right spirit and intent.

of any State to abolish or protect Slavery in its own * The success of the Abolitionists and their allies, limits. We demand that a common Government under the name of the Republican party, has pro- shall use its power to protect our property as well duced its logical result already. They have, for long as yours. We pay as much as you do. Our proyears, been sowing dragon's teeth, and they have perty is subject to taxation. We claim that that finally got a crop of armed men. The Union, Sir, is Government which recognizes our property for tax


ation should give it the same prevent invasion, Mr. Lincoln, in his speech at New Toombs' Speech. protection it does to your pro-York, called it a sedition bill.” perty. Shall it not do it? You

Mr. Toombs then referred to the old artisay, No. You in the Senate say, No; the House says, cles of Confederation, and said the ConstituNo; and throughout the length and breadth of your tion was made simply to get at the people's whole conspiracy against the Constitution there is one shout of Noi It is the price of my allegiance. pocket--that was the simple secret of the Withhold it, and you don't get my obedience. Constitution. It was false to say “it is ceThere is the philosophy of the armed men that have mented by the blood of the brave men of the sprung up in this country, and I hud rather see the Revolution.” It never cost one drop of population of my own, my native land, beneath the blood. Many of the men of the Revolution sod, than that they should support, for one hour, voted against it. He continued : such a Government.

“It was carried in the Con“I demand, third, that persons committing vention of Virginia by only five Toombs' Speech. crimes against slave property in one State, shall votes. The great mass of the be delivered up by another State, to which they people of Georgia, I know, would rather stay in the may have fled. That is another of the demands of Union, but I believe it is a Government that has an extremist and a rebel. [Mr. Toombs then re never done anything for us, and had I the opportuferred to the Fourth Article of the Constitution, as nity I should have voted with the men who voted supporting this demand, and proceeded.] But the against it. Yet I have been content to its maintenon-Slaveholding States, regardless of their oaths nance, because while I did not believe it was a good and compacts, have steadily refused to return the compact, I was bound by my oath and by honor, men who have stolen Negroes, if these Negroes were and by that common prudence which leads men to slaves. This was done long ago in Maine. We hold to what they have instead of flying to dangers remonstrated and appealed for fraternity. But this they know not of. And I have given it, and I would Article of the Constitution has been a dead letter to have given it, my unqualified support and alleus from that day to this. The Senator from New giance. All the obligations, all the chains that fetYork (Mr. Seward) also, when Governor, refused ter the limbs of my people, are nominated in the this right to Virginia. He said it was not against the bond. They acted upon that conclusion by delaws of New York to steal Negroes, and he would claring that the powers not granted to the Governnot deliver up the man, and these are our Confede-ment, or forbidden to the States, belonged to the rates--our Sister States. There is a bargain and a States respectively. compact. They swore to it, but you cannot bind “If, in common justice, equal rights belong to our them by an oath. They have a higher law. I sup- States, when did we get them? Every reserved pose you will undertake to whip freemen into loving right is a Constitutional right. The Northern doc such brethren as that. You will have a good timetrine was the same many years ago. They deof it, no doubt. We want that provision of the Connounced Madison for the Virginia report of 1799. stitution carried out. * * The next demand is They denounced many of the fathers because they that fugitive slaves shall be surrendered, according presumed to impugn the decisions of the Supreme to the act of 1850. The Constitution has provided Court. That was the universal judgment and declafor this rendition. [He read that article of the Con- ration of every Free State of this Union. Very well. stitution]. But the Northern States have tried al- Come to the compact. It is not in the bond to exways to evade this. First, they got up the fiction clude us from the common Territory. The Supreme that they were entitled to the Habeas Corpus act in Court has decided we have a right to go there and the States to which the fugitive had fled. They did have a right to be protected there. But Mr. Lincoln not require that for a white man. White men might says, 'I don't care for the Supreme Court-I will be delivered up every day, but not slaves. I under- turn you out anyhow.' Then you must take my take to say here that no Black Republican Legisla-construction of the Constitution. You won't take ture will ever say it is their duty to render back the Supreme Court as the arbiter, or the opinions fugitive slaves. They don't intend to do it. They of Madison, Jefferson, or the fathers. You take nointend to get possession of this Government, and to thing but your own judgment. Your States discard use their power against us."

the Court and our construction, and say you will ** The next demand is, that no State shall pass any drive us out. Come and do it. You will find us law intended to disturb the peace and tranquility of ready. Come and do it. If this is the argument, any other State. When the Senator from Illinois then the sword alone becomes the constitutional ar. (Mr. Douglas) introduced a bill here last Winter to biter. It may be secession, it may be revolution,


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but it is a free country in arms objected to by Burnett, of Kentucky, as calMr. Toombs Speech. and standing for the right. * *culated to do harm in the excited state of the

* They have made a country. Mr. Adrian said the country deproclamation of outlawry against us. The Con- manded it, and called for a suspension of the stitution gives them no warrant for this thing. rules, to get it before the House. During the Your Chicago Platform and declaration of principles expressly declares, very much like the calling of the yeas and nays on the motion to unjust Judge that you neither fear God nor re

suspend, the running remarks elicited formed gard man. He read from the Chicago Platform the one of the most interesting features of the enarticle denying the legal existence of Slavery in tire session, while the result had a very imthe Territories. Then you declare that the treaty portant bearing on the ultimate question of of 1803 was null and void, and no law at all. You National affairs. We give, as a matter of declare that the acts by wbieh we organized and curiosity, the entire report of the remarks protected the Territories of Lonisiana, Arkansas, and elicited, as the names of certain prominent Mississippi, are all null and void, and no laws; and gentlemen were called : you declare that the decision of the Supreme Court

When Mr. Leach's (S. Am., Interesting of the United States is null and void, and no law, N. C.) name was called, he

Episode. and that there is no Constitution but the Chicago said he could not give his vote Platform. You swear to support this Government for the resolution, although he would like to give his with this understanding. But my friend from Ken- vote for any man who would save the Union. tncky (Mr. Crittenden) says we can't secede-we can't revolutionize. What can we do? Why, you

Mr. McKean (Rep., N. Y.) said a few more men can submit, for, they say, we are the strongest, and like Major Anderson would quiet the conntry, we will hang you. I will take that right. I will

Mr. Hindman (Dem., Ark.) wanted a vote, and to take the Constitution, and I will defend it against ascertain who had proved a traitor to every principle. the sword or the halter. We are willing to defend

Mr. Campbell (Rep. Pa.) approving the conduct that right with the halter around our necks, and to of Major Anderson, voted Yea. meet these Black Republicans, their myrmidons and

Mr. Hill (S. Am., Ga.) was an advocate of peace, allies whenever they choose to come on.

* bat conceived the resolution could be productive of “ You have outlawed us—you avow it. Mr Lin- nothing but harm. coln declares it. Your platform, your papers, your

The rules were suspended—134 against 53. Legislatures, declare it; and there is bnt one voice

Mr. Bocock (Dem., Va.) moved to lay the resolurolling throughout your entire phalanx—that we tion on the table. He wanted to show a disposition shall be outlawed in the Territories of the United to get rid of this firebrand motion. States. But I say we will not; and I will never com

Mr. Lovejoy (Rep., Ill.)-We sustain the Governpromise that right, upon the face of the earth. I ment. Fon't buy a shameful peace. I prefer war. Geor

Mr. Hindman wished to know whether it was in gia is on the war-path, on a proposition of this order for him to propound a question to Mr. Adrain kind."

for information ? The Senate adjourned to Wednesday.

Voices from the Republican side—“Not in orIn the House, Monday, a

der." Resolution to En

Mr. Hindman-I am not asking the opinion of dorse Anderson. most interesting episode

Black Republican gentlemen. occurred, on the introduc

The Speaker said nothing was in order but the tion, by Mr. Adrian, of N. J., of a resolution call of the roll. approving the act of Major Anderson, and to

When John Cochrane's (Dem., N. Y.) name was support the President in his effort to enforce reached, he said, having cause to believe that Anthe laws, viz:

derson acted under the instructions of the Secretary Resolved, That we fully approve the bold and of War, I vote Aye. [Laughter.] patriotic act of Major Anderson, in withdrawing Mr. Dunn (Rep., Ind.)—Believing Anderson acted from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, and the deter- on his sole responsibility, I vote Aye. [Renewed mination of the President to maintain that fearless Laughter.] officer in his present condition; and we will support Mr. Hamilton (Dem., Texas) believed Anderson the President in all constitutional measures to en- ought to be sustained by the Government, but for force the laws and preserve the Union."

other reasons he voted against the resolution. This was followed by marked excitement Mr. Moore (S. Am., Ky.)-As the Secretary of and personal feeling. Its introduction was War denounced the act of Anderson, I vote No.

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Interesting Mr. Hatton (8. Am., Tenn.) Mr. Stevenson (Dem., Ky.)

believing the resolution would did not know what measures Intereeting do harm and no good, voted against it.

the President contemplated,

Episode. Mr. Vallandigham (Dem., Ohio)-I vote for peace therefore he was not willing to pledge himself to and compromise. You refuse it. I vote now against anything looking to coercion. Whenever a measure force. No.

of that kind shall be presented, he would inflexibly Mr. Hindman (Dem., Ark.) said if the President or oppose it from end to end. He voted Nay. the Secretary of War, or any other officer, directly

Mr. Stokes (S. Am. Tenn.. had no objection to the or indirectly, justified the act of Major Anderson, he first part of the resolution, but had to the latter part. did not hesitate to say that they are guilty of treason He did not believe the resolution bad a tendency to and inciting civil war.

reconcile or to restore peace. It was known he was Mr. Kunkel (Dem., Md.) believing that Major An- for peace and compromise, and for healing the disderson acted more for personal safety than for the turbing questions which excite and distract the peace of the country, voted No.

country; but he did not believe this resolution Mr. Logan (Dem., Ill.)—As the resolution meets would heal the difficulties, therefore he voted Nay. my unqualified approbation, I vote Aye.

Mr. Moore (Dem,, Ala.) said a solemn compact Mr. Mallory (S. Am., Ky.) while willing to sustain had been entered into between the representatives Major Anderson, would not vote for the resolution, of South Carolina and the President; that the forts pledging him in advance to all the measures of the were not to be disturbed or reinforced. He wished President.

it to be recorded that the people of South Carolina, Mr. McKenty (Dem., Pa.)-I have the honor in her weakness, kept her faith when these forts of representing one of the most conservative dis were necessary for the protection of her homes tricts of Pennsylvania-cne that is strongly Demo- and firesides. I vote Nay. cratic. Our political difficulties and sympathies

The Republican side called him to order, objecting have been always with the South. I don't believe to further remarks. there is a single man in my district that does not Mr. Barksdale (Dem., Miss.) amid shouts for order sustain the President in his course. While we have from the Republican side, and much general excitestood by South Carolina at the ballot-box, we con- ment, said this resolution was a fireband cast into not sustain her in her treason against the General the South for the purpose of inciting revolution and Government. I feel that the act of the President is insurrection. It was infamous and cowardly. merely defensive ; and if the last page of our na

He could not be heard throughout owing to the tion's history is to be a bloody one, the responsibili- great state of confusion. He took his seat remarkty must rest with those who will make it so.

ing that he had said all he wanted to say. The Mr. Moore (Dem., Ky.)--If the question was can- Speaker's hammer had repeatedly called him to orfined to the simple act of approving of Anderson, he der. might vote aye; but he could not support the re

Mr. Barrett (Dem., Mo.) indorsed Major Andermainder of the resolution.

son's act, but as no official information had been Mr. Nixon (Rep., N.J.)--As I stand on the Con- transmitted concerning it, he deemed it an improper stitution and laws, I vote Yea.

subject for consideration at this time. Mr. Pryor--As I believe the act of Major Ander

Mr. Gilmer (S. Am., N, C.) approved the conduct son to foster civil war, I vote Nay.

of Major Anderson ; but as the House had refused Mr. Rust (Dem., Ark.) as Anderson had shown no to admit a proposition for adjustment of the difficul. extraordinary courage in abandoning a weak work ties, he could not in the face ot that fact vote for the for a safe one, and as the President had pledged his

resolution. word not to change the condition of the forts, voted

Mr. Webster (S. Am., Md.) said the South had Nay.

held out the olive branch to the North, but the Mr. Sickles (Dem., N. Y.) believed his constitu- North had shown themselves adverse, as for this ents were unfalteringly opposed to coercion against Olive branch they had offered the sword of war. He the sovereign States; nevertheless, convinced as he

voted Nay. was that they regard Major Anderson's act as within

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Mr. Florence (Dem., Penn.) considered this resothe spirit of his instructions and the scope of his duty lulion as calculated to provoke mischief, and to do and patriotism—that it is the sworn duty of the more narm than good; therefore he voted Nay. President to preserve the Union by upholding the

The resolution was then passed by a vote Constitution--he believed he gave an expression of of 124 to 56. the opinion of the City of New York by voting Yea. This result was received with acclamations [Applause from Republican side.]

throughout the North, all parties uniting in


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