EVACUATION OF FORT MOULTRIE. 115 sum abstracted to millions, and linked Mr. | enemies of the Union; deprecating any interFloyd's name as a principal in the robbery- ference with the shipment of arms under Gothus intensifying the feeling of indignation vernment orders, however inopportune or imgrowing among all classes in the North politic the order might appear; deploring against the Southern men in the Cabinet. the existing state of things in connection with Mr. Cobb had retired, leaving a bankrupt the administration of important departments treasury; and now that Mr. Floyd and the of the public service so as to have shaken Department of the Interior were responsible confidence in the people of the Free States; for a most gigantic breach of public trust, it that while Pennsylvania is on guard at the gave rein to the most exaggerated stories of Federal capital it is her special duty to look perfidy and recklessness in the Cabinet. But, to the fidelity of her sons, and in that view the facts were as given above. The sum ab- call on the President as a citizen of this Comstracted amounted to eight hundred and sev- | monwealth; to see that the public receive no enty thousand dollars, which, being in bonds, detriment at his hands. It behooves the were traced; and Messrs. Russell, Majors and President to purge his cabinet of every man Waddell, being possessed of a vast property, known to give aid and comfort to, or in any were enabled, eventually, to save the Govern- way countenancing the revolt of any State ment from serious loss. against the authority of the Constitution and the Laws of the Union. A dispatch from the Hon. Robert McKnight, asking the people to make no further resistance, but to ask for a suspension of the shipment of the guns until further advices were received from the War Office, was read and approved.”* leghany) Arsenal Excitement. This great temporary deThe Pittsburgh (Al- falcation was followed by the Pittsburgh (Alleghany) Arsenal Excitement, which, for a few days, threatened serious consequences, and added materially to the alarm of the friends of the Union. An order was given to ship from the arsenal 78 guns to Newport, near Galveston, Texas, and 46 guns to Ship Island, near Balize, at the mouth of the Mississippi river. As the fortresses at both points named were still unfinished, the order of shipment, it was felt, was given thus early in order to place the valuable guns in the hands of the Secessionists. The news dispatch from Pittsburgh, dated Monday, December 24th, said that the Chairman of the House Committee on Military affairs had been telegraphed for information-that leading Democrats of the city telegraphed to the President to have the order of shipment immediately countermanded, since the people never would allow the guns to leave the arsenal-that a call, signed by citizens of all parties, was made public arranging for a meeting of citizens to take necessary action in the matter that a report gained currency of large amounts of shot, shell, muskets and accoutrements having already been sent South, &c. An immense meeting was held on Thursday in the street opposite the Court-house. The report of proceedings stated that several resolutions were adopted "declaring loyalty to the Union, and ability to defend ourselves against all Secess first movement toward "coercing" the rebel- | their fi lious States. In the North it aroused a per- dent un fect acclamation of delight. "Huzza for which f Major Anderson!" became the street-greeting, for, without a full knowledge of the affair, rapidly men believed it to foreshadow a determina- the mo tion, on the part of the Administration, to Carolina resist any further encroachments upon its influence authority. [The incidents of the evacuation many in are given in Chapter XIX.] vative" action. ern Virgi The election of Delegates Alabama Election. to the State Convention, in Alabama, came off Decem ber 24th, resulting in the choice of a large majority of unconditional Secessionists. The entire majority for secession was over fifty thousand. In many localities Union and Conservative tickets were not voted upon at all. On the same day Governor Moore issued a proclamation, convening the Legislature of that State, January 14th, to provide for any emergency which might arise from the action of the Convention, which was to meet January 7th. On the 24th the South Carolina members of Congress (House) sent in, to the Speaker, a letter stating that, by the act of secession, their State had withdrawn from the Union, thereby dissolving their connection with the House, and that they should, accordingly, vacate their seats. The letter was signed by Messrs. John McQueen, M. L.. Bonham, W. W. Boyce, and J. D. Ashmore. Mr. Keitt had previously withdrawn. The Speaker, however, directed that their names be retained on the roll and regularly called-thus failing to recognize the act of secession and the withdrawal, for that cause, of members. Arrival of Commis sioners in Washington. The South Carolina Com. missioners, Messrs. Barn well, Orr and Adams, arrived in Washington, Dec. 26th their mission, as before stated, being to treat with the Federal Government for a peaceful adjustment of all relations between the Government and their "Sovereign" State. The evacuation of Moultrie, by Major Anderson, not a little complicated the difficulties of their position. On the evening of their arrival a number of leading Southern men were called into counsel, to arrange more fully their line of conduct. They did not, however, lay Union, a to protes diaries, l as Roger the most State eve with the tible logi right of the Union It was not the hour dents," it rapidly gl who would her ancien The pr ments in canvassed army and officers we was called the materia severely b since a ma second lieu men, notwi ulation and to one. So two thousa navy and a considerati Name. Capt. Abraha Capt. John F. Name. SOUTH CAROLINIANS IN THE ARMY AND NAVY. ARMY-continued. Department. Original entry Capt. Wm. W. Anderson.. Surg. Gen. Dep...... 1849 Capt. Robert L. Brodie... Surg. Gen. Dep......1854 Capt. Nat. S. Crowell.... Surg. Gen. Dep......1854 1st Lt. Wm. J. L'Engle... Surg. Gen. Dep......1856 1st Lt. Wm. A. Caiswell..Surg. Gen. Dep......1859 Maj. Thomas G. Rhett....Paymaster Gen. Dep. 1845 Bvt. Col. Benj. Huger..... Ordnance Dep.......1825 Bvt. Maj. L. B. Northrup. 1st Regt. Dragoons...1839 2d Lt. S. W. Ferguson........1st Regt. Dragoons... 1857 Name. NAVY. Duty. ...1843 Original entry Com. Edw. Middleton.... Waiting Orders. Name. NAVY-Continued. 117 Original entry into service. Duty. Capt. Wm. B. Shubrick.. Chr. L. H. Board....1806 .1833 Mr. Toombs's Address. No Compromise probable. "The whole subject was referred to a committee | sibility of obtaining concessions from the of thirteen in the Senate. I was appointed on the dominant party, were concommittee and accepted the trust. I submitted firmed by the vote of Satpropositions which, so far from receiving a decided urday (Dec. 22d.) on Mr. support from a single member of the Republican Crittenden's resolutions [see page 90.] A party of the committee, were all treated with deridispatch, by the Associated Press reporter, sion or contempt. A vote was then taken in the committee on amendments to the Constitution, pro posed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden, and each and all of them were voted against, unanimously, by the Black Republican members of the committee. "In addition to these facts, a majority of the Black Republican members of the committee declared distinctly that they had no guarantees to offer, which was silently acquiesced in by the other members. "The Black Republican members of this Committee are representative men of the party and section, and, to the extent of my information, truly represent them. dated Dec. 23d. stated: "The Senate's Select Committee having come to no conclusion yesterday on any of the points before them, the Republicans asking further time for consideration, the most hopeful now despond, seeing no immediate prospect of an accommodation of the political differences. Mr. Crittenden, in a conversation with a friend, said that was the darkest day of his life; that he was overwhelmed with solicitude for the country, and that nothing but the affection of the people for the Union can restore peace. The extremes on the Committee are equally unyielding to concession." The same authority also added:--"The reported recent declaration of the President elect that he will strictly adhere to the Chicago "The Committee of Thirty-Three on Friday ad- Secession. If you are deceived by them, it shall not be my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is decisive against you now. I tell you, upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North for security for your Constitutional rights in the Union, ought to be instantly abandoned. "It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and to your posterity. Secession, by the 4th day of March next, should be thundered from the ballotbox by the unanimous voice of Georgia, on the 2d day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guarantee for liberty, tranquillity and glory. R. TOOMBS." (Signed,) This address anticipated the vote on Toombs' propositions. Although he stated that they were "treated with derision or contempt," no vote was taken upon them until Monday, Dec. 24th. His message, therefore, reflected more credit to his increased zeal for şecession than for correctness of statement. The address was sent by telegraph Sunday, to influence the elections of Monday. answered its purpose most admirably, for even Mr. Stephens, the hitherto champion of the Conservatives, gave over his views and entered the field as a champion for separate and immediate action. The general assumptions of the address, in regard to the impos It licans to that policy, and increased the intensity of Southern feeling." This referred to a paragraph placed at the head of the editorial column of the New York Daily Tribune, Dec. 22d., which announced that Mr. Lincoln had no compromises to offer and was understood to adhere strictly to the principles of the Chicago platform on the question of the freedom of the territories. Mr. Wade, it would, therefore, appear, had spoken for the President elect as well as for himself, in his speech of Dec. 17th. [See pages 88-89.] Dec. 27th. Gov. Magoffin called an extra session of the Kentucky Legislature, to meet January 17th "to consider the distracted state of the country." The Democratic State Committee of Illinois, on Dec. 27th, issued a call for a State Convention to be held in Springfield on the 17th of January" to confer as to the existing national crisis, and to adopt some line of policy relative thereto." At a Convention of "National Democrats," called by circular to meet at Albany, December 27th, forms of petitions were adopted, requesting the Legislature to repeal the Personal Liberty law of 1840, and to restore the Nine-months Slaveholding law of 1817, to be circulated in each county. Mr. Nicholson's Speech. THE COMMITTEES OF THIRTY-THREE THE Senate (Monday, December 24th) re- | ceived propositions of settlement from Messrs. Pugh, Douglas, Bigler, &c., which were severally referred to the Committee of Thirteen. Mr. Nicholson, of Tennessee, having the floor, proceeded to address the Senate in reply to his colleague, Andrew Johnson, as well as to Mr. Wade. He charged upon the Republican party all responsibility for the enmity felt at the South against the Norththe Democrats of the North were in no manner censurable. The feeling commenced, in 1856, with the nomination of Fremont, when the first vital stab was given to the Union. He quoted from the platform of the Republican party in regard to Slavery in the Territories, to show that it was the basis of all sectionalism. He then quoted Mr. Fillmore's prediction that the success of such a party must cause disunion. The Republicans concede that in the States the South have a right to hold slave property, but establish a principle, in places where they have the power, which affixes a stigma on Southern men. All that the South has to rest upon is the professions of a party, whose general principle is to disregard the rights of the South outside their own States. Suppose that this party gets a majority in both Houses of Congress, they will abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia and in all the arsenals and dockyards, &c., of the South, and they will also refuse to admit new Slave States. Is it strange, then, that Southern men should begin to look out for their own interests, when, if this sectional power has dominion, it will surely progress towards the extinction of Slavery. The trouble is not so much that the Fugitive Slave law is not enforced, or the equality of the States denied, but that a AND principle is laid down that denies the title of Southern men to property which they claim under the Constitution-a principle which strikes at the very root of a system identifled with the interest, prosperity and safety of the South. In view of this he claimed that the only safety for the South in the Union, was in Constitutional guarantees against encroachments, and a protection to Slavery in Slave sections. He would do all he could to obtain proper guarantees, but if all failed he would choose secession or revolution rather than acquiesce. He regretted hasty action in the South, and he thought it better to have counsel and concerted action in the Senate. He thought that an appeal from the whole South, with unanimity of sentiment, could not be resisted by the North. He regarded the policy of the extreme Southern States as dictated by a desire to awaken the sentiment of the North rather than a love of disunion per se. He thought that it was the duty of the Border States to meet in solemn consultation and present their demands to the North. But from the course of the Republican organs he had scarcely a ray of hope that their demands would be granted. The chief points in our demand would be the recognition of the right of property in slaves, and the right to hold them in the Territories. Although he had not much hope left, yet he preferred to try if a solemn appeal from the South to the North would not produce a good effect. Mr. Nicholson then referred to the ordinance of secession of South Carolina. as the act of a sovereign State, saying that he should only allude to it as a fact, not argue whether it was right or wrong. He argued that any resort to force by the Federal Government was equivalent to a declaration of war by South Carolina. She had absolved |