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Duty. into service, Capt. Wm. W. Anderson.. Surg. Gen. Dep... ... 1849 Mid'n Benjamin F. Perry. Naval Academy......1857 Capt. Robert L. Brodie... Surg. Gen. Dep......185 Mid'n R. H. Bacott......Naval Academy......18 Capt. Nat. S. Crowell. ... Surg. Gen. Dep......1854 Lt. H. L. Ingraham ......Marine Corps........1858 1st Lt. Wm. J. L'Engle... Surg. Gen. Dep...... 1856 Engineer Geo. D. Lenny...Stm. sloop Wyoming..1858 Ist Lt. Wm. A. Caiswell..Surg. Gen. Dep......1859 These West Point Cadets from South CaroMaj. Thomas G. Rhett....Paymaster Gen. Dep. 1845 lina : viz., H. S. Farley, James Hamilton and Bvt. Col. Benj. Huger.....Ordnance Dep........1825 Brt
. Maj. L. B. Northrup. Ist Regt. Dragoons...1839 George Reynolds, resigned at the call made 20 Lt. S. W. Ferguson....1st Regt. Dragoons. . . 1857 by the Charleston Mercury (see pages 45-46]; Capt. R. H. Anderson...20 Regt. Dragoons... 1842 and Lieutenant J. R. Hamilton, of the United ist Lt. J. B. Villepigue...20 Regt. Dragoons.. . 1854 States' Steam Sloop, Wyoming, had thrown Capt. Wm. D. Saussure... Ist Regt. Cavalry......1855 up his commission; but the list above given Capt. Nathan D. Evans...21 Regt. Cavalry....1848 was on the rolls at the date of South CaroIst Lt. Stephen D. Lee... 4th Regt. Artillery... 1854 lina's secession. After that act a rapid sucIst Lt. Geo. S. James.... 4th Regt. Artillery... 1856 cession of resignations occurred, embracing 24 Lt. J. H. Hollinquist... 4th Regt. Artillery... 1858 | officers of all grades, who almost immediately Capt. Chris. S. Lovell.... 2d Regt. Infantry....1853 offered their services to South Carolina. The ist Lt. L. W. O'Bannon... 3d Regt. Infantry....1843 two Departments at Washington accepted Ist Lt. Jas. L. Corley....6th Regt. Infantry... 1850 these resignations without a protest ! Every 1st Lt. Ed. D. Blake. ....8th Regt. Infantry. . .1847
commission thrown up added to the record 20 Lt. E. S. Camp.......9th Regt. Infantry...1857 Capt. John Dunnovant... 10th Regt. Infantry...1855
of disloyalty, ingratitude and dishonor which Capt. Barnard E. Bee.... 10th Regt. Infantry... 1845 influenced the entire movement, so far as
officials were concerned, for disunion. They
not only left the house of the mother who Name.
into service. gave them all their knowledge-all their Capt. Wm. B. Shubrick..Chr. L. H. Board....1806 honors—all their ability for service, but they Capt. C. K. Stribling.....Com. E. I. Squadron..1812 were eager to despoil her, and, if she resisted, Capt. D. N. Ingraham.... Chf. BureauOrdnance.1812 to stab her. It is not enough to say these Com. Henry K. Hoff. ....Com. rec. ship at Phil.1823
States had the first claim to their swords, for Com. John S. Missroon .. Waiting Orders......1824 Com. Percival Drayton... Waiting Orders.
the States gave them nothing, the Federal Com. Henry J. Hartstene..Special duty....
.1828 government everything. If they were unCom. Chas. Steedman.....Com. brig Dolphin... 1828 willing to serve against their States, honor, Com. Edw. Middleton.... Waiting Orders.......1828 duty, self-respect and true courage alike forLt. James H. North......
.L. H. Inspector......1829 bade that they should take up arms against Lt. Rd. Wainwright. ..Stm. frgt. Merrimac..1831 the kind hand which had given them all they Lt. Thos. B. Hager.. ... Stm. sloop Iroquois.. 1835 possessed. Yet, with scarcely an exception, Lt. John Rutledge. .. Waiting Orders.......1835 every Southern man who resigned from the Lt. Henry Rolando. ..Stm. sloop Lancaster.1836 army or navy, did so to accept service against Lt. C. Morris...... .. Sloop Marion....... 1837 | the Federal Government. The disinterested Lt. Alex. F. Warley..... Waiting Orders......
observer will not fail to find in this fact an Lt. John R. Hamilton.... Stm. sloop Hartford...1845 evidence of the remarkable demoralization of Lt. Thomas P. Pelot..... Sloop Savannah... ... 1849
sentiment which characterized the rebellion. Lt. Wm. G. Dozier..... Leave of absence... 1650 Lt. Henry C. Flagg..... Leave of absence....1828
To imflame the zeal of
Mr, Toombs's Ad. Lt. Maurice Simmons.... Furlough........
the immediate Secessionists . 1839
dress. Surgeon Arthur M. Lyrch.Stm. frgt. Roanoke... 1830 of this state, (Georgia) Mr. Surgeon Chas. E. Lining.. Sloop Cyane........ 1858 Toombs sent the following telegraphic adPurser J. S. Cunningham..Naval Academy.. .1857 dress from Washington, on the evening of Master John M. Stribling..Steamer Wyandot....1851 Sunday, Dec. 230 :Master Philip Porcher....Stm. frgt. Merrimac..1851 "I came here to secure your constitutional rights, Master Wm. E. Evans.... Stm. sloop Pensacola. 1859 and to demonstrate to you that you can get no Mid'n John Gumball...... Sloop Macedonia ....1854 guarantee for those rights from your Northern ConMid'n J. H. Ingraham....Naval Academy......1857 ' federates.
" The whole subject was referred to a committee sibility of obtaining concessions from the
No Compromise propositions which, so far from receiving a decided urday (Dec. 22d.) on Mr.
probable. support from a single member of the Republican Crittenden's resolutions (see page 90.] A party of the committee, were all treated with derision or contempt. A vote was then taken in the dispatch, by the Associated Press reporter,
dated Dec. 23d. stated: “The Senate's Select committee on amendments to the Constitution, proposed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden, and each and all of Committee having come to no conclusion them were voted against, unanimously, by the Black yesterday on any of the points before them, Republican members of the committee.
the Republicans asking further time for con" In addition to these facts, a majority of the sideration, the most hopeful now despond, Black Republican members of the committee de- seeing no immediate prospect of an accomclared distinctly that they had no guarantees to modation of the political differences. Mr. offer, which was silently acquiesced in by the other Crittenden, in a conversation with a friend, members.
said that was the darkest day of his life; that “The Black Republican members of this Commit- he was overwhelmed with solicitude for the tee are representative men of the party and section, and, to the extent of my information, truly represent of the people for the Union can restore peace.
country, and that nothing but the affection them.
“ The Committee of Thirty-Three on Friday ad- | The extremes on the Committee are equally journed for a week, without coming to any vote after unyielding to concession." solemnly pledging themselves to vote on all the The same authority also added :-“The repropositions then before them, that day, It is con- ported recent declaration of the President trolled by the Black Republicans, your enemies, elect that he will strictly adhere to the Chicago who only seek to amuse you with delusive hope un platform, has confirmed the wavering Repubtil your election, that you may defeat the friends of licans to that policy, and increased the inSecession.
tensity of Southern feeling.” This referred " If you are deceived by them, it shall not be my to a paragraph placed at the head of the edifault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is torial column of the New York Daily Tribune, decisive against you now. I tell you, upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North Dec. 22d., which announced that Mr. Lincoln for security for your Constitutional rights in the had no compromises to offer and was underUnion, ought to be instantly abandoned.
stood to adhere strictly to the principles of " It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves the Chicago platform on the question of the and to your posterity. Secession, by the 4th day freedom of the territories. Mr. Wade, it of March next, should be thundered from the ballot- would, therefore, appear, had spoken for the box by the unanimous voice of Georgia, on the 2d President elect as well as for himself, in his day of January next. Such a voice will be your speech of Dec. 17th. [See pages 88–89.] best guarantee for liberty, tranquillity and glory.
Dec. 27th, Gov. Magoffin called an extra (Signed) R. TOOMBS."
session of the Kentucky Legislature, to meet This address anticipated the vote on January 17th “ to consider the distracted state Toombs' propositions. Although he stated of the country.” that they were“ treated with derision or con The Democratic State Committee of Illitempt,” no vote was taken upon them until nois, on Dec. 27th, issued a call for a State Monday, Dec. 24th. His message, therefore, Convention to be held in Springfield on the reflected more credit to his increased zeal for 17tl of January“ to confer as to the existing secession than for correctness of statement. national crisis, and to adopt some line of The address was sent by telegraph Sunday, policy relative thereto." to influence the elections of Monday. It At a Convention of “National Democrats," answered its purpose most admirably, for called by circular to meet at Albany, Deeven Mr. Stephens, the hitherto champion of cember 27th, forms of petitions were adopted, the Conservatives, gave over his views and requesting the Legislature to repeal the Perentered the field as a champion for separate sonal Liberty law of 1840, and to restore the and immediate action. The ge assump- Nine-months Slaveholding law of 1817, to be tions of the address, in regard to the impos- circulated in each county.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS CONTINUED. FOURTH WEEK.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMITTEES OF THIRTY-THREE
The Senate (Monday, December 24th) re- | principle is laid down that denies the title of ceived propositions of settlement from Messrs. Southern men to property which they claim Pugh, Douglas, Bigler, &c., which were seve- under the Constitution—a principle which rally referred to the Committee of Thirteen. strikes at the very root of a system identifled Mr. Nicholson, of Tennessee, having the floor, with the interest, prosperity and safety of proceeded to address the Senate in reply to the South. In view of this he claimed that his colleague, Andrew Johnson, as well as to the only safety for the South in the Union,
Mr. Wade. He charged was in Constitutional guarantees against en-
upon the Republican party croachments, and a protection to Slavery in
all responsibility for the Slave sections. He would do all he could to enmity felt at the South against the North- obtain proper guarantees, but if all failed he the Democrats of the North were in no would choose secession or revolution rather manner censurable. The feeling commenced, than acquiesce. He regretted hasty action in in 1856, with the nomination of Fremont, the South, and he thought it better to have when the first vital stab was given to the counsel and concerted action in the Senate. Union. He quoted from the platform of the He thought that an appeal from the whole Republican party in regard to Slavery in the South, with unanimity of sentiment, could Territories, to show that it was the basis of not be resisted by the North. He regarded all sectionalism. He then quoted Mr. Fill- the policy of the extreme Southern States as more's prediction that the success of such a dictated by a desire to awaken the sentiment party must cause disunion. The Repub- of the North rather than a love of disunion licans concede that in the States the South per se. He thought that it was the duty of have a right to hold slave property, but es the Border States to meet in solemn consultablish a principle, in places where they have tation and present their demands to the the power, which affixes a stigma on Southern North. But from the course of the Republimen. All that the South has to rest upon is can organs he had scarcely a ray of hope that the professions of a party, whose general their demands would be granted. The chief principle is to disregard the rights of the points in our demand would be the recogSouth outside their own States. Suppose nition of the right of property in slaves, and that this party gets a majority in both Houses the right to hold them in the Territories. of Congress, they will abolish Slavery in the Although he had not much hope left, yet he District of Columbia and in all the arsenals preferred to try if a solemn appeal from the and dockyards, &c., of the South, and they South to the North would not produce a will also refuse to admit new Slave States. good effect. Mr. Nicholson then referred to Is it strange, then, that Southern men should the ordinance of secession of South Carolina. begin to look out for their own interests, as the act of a sovereign State, saying that he when, if this sectional power has dominion, should only allude to it as a fact, not argue it will surely progress towards the extinction whether it was right or wrong. He argued of Slavery. The trouble is not so much that that any resort to force by the Federal Govthe Fugitive Slave law is not enforced, or the ernment was equivalent to a declaration of equality of the States denied, but that a war by South Carolina. She had absolved
her citizens from all allegiance to the United suspension of the rules for that purpose, to States, and the government could not make save a reference to the Select Committee of war rightfully upon them. He drew a pic- Thirty-three. Upon a motion for its referture of the horrors of civil war, and urged ence, Mr. Cochrane withdrew the resolution. calmness and consultation on the part of The two Houses took a recess until Decemthe Southern States. He concluded by ex-ber 27th. pressing the hope of a more perfect Union at Thursday, Dec. 27th, Mr. no distant day.
Mr. Doolittle's Doolittle, (Rep.) of Wis
Speech. This speech elicited some remark, as fore-consin, addressed the Senshadowing the course of the Conservatives in ate in a very elaborate and able argument, Tennessee, and proved that the issue of Union defending the Northern States, the Republior Disunion was to be forced upon Congress, can party, and Mr. Lincoln. As the speech in the demand for a constitutional recognition met the points raised by Mr. Nicholson and and protection of Slavery. The attitude of others, and expressed the leading sentiment the Republicans against any such guarantees of the North-western States on the crisis, we gave small hope, therefore, of any adjustment may give place to some of the Senator's arguand, day by day, the impassibility of the gulf, ments and declarations, widening between the Slave and Free States, Peace, he said, was based on two ideasbecame more apparent.
one that neither the Federal Government nor In the House, John Coch- citizens of Non-Slaveholding States should More Union-saving
rane, (Dem.,) of New York, make any aggression on Slavery in the States, Schemes.
again sought to press his and the other that neither the Federal Govviews. He offered a preamble setting forthernment nor the citizens of Slaveholding the dangers which menaced the country, sug- States should make any aggressions or ungesting the removal of the Slavery question dertake to overthrow Freedom in the Terrifrom Congress as a remedy, and concluded tories. If these conditions were broken, there with a resolution expressive of the opinion cannot be peace. He said the Constitution of Congress that Slavery shall not exist in the was the supreme law of the land and of every Territory north of 36 deg. 30 min., and that State, and if the Constitution contains any the States formed therefrom shall be admitted language which would abolish Slavery in a with or without Slavery, as their Constitu- Territory, it would abolish it in a State. He tions may prescribe; and that, south of that then referred to the Dred Scott decision, and line, Slavery shall not be prohibited by Con- claimed that there was nothing in that decigress or Territorial legislation. The next re- sion to lead any one to infer that the Constisolution asserts the sovereignty of each State, tution establishes Slavery in any Territory; and that any attempt to compel them by force nothing that justifies men in saying that the to subserve the Federal compact would be to Constitution enters the Territory acquired levy war, and precipitate a revolution.
from Mexico, and abolishes Mexican law, and Mr. Haskin, (Dem.,) of New York, pro-establishes a law. guaranteeing the right to posed, as a substitute, that the Judiciary take and hold slaves in this Territory. He Committee inquire into the relations now ex- urged that, if we should annex Canada, the isting between the Federal Government and Constitution had no power, of its own force, the State of South Carolina ; the duty of the to repeal the law there in regard to Slavery Executive Department in view of the attempt- which had been in force a hundred years. ed withdrawal of that State from the United He said the Senator from Tennessee (NichStates, and the threatened seizure of the Fed-olson) had said there was a great alarm at eral property within the limits of that State; the South, from the Free States, and said and what action Congress should take to ex- he apprehended the time would come when ecute the Constitution, and enforce the laws, the Free States would attempt to amend and protect the property from seizure, and the Constitution, so as to extinguish Slavery. that the Committee report at any time. Why did not the Senator from Tennessee, if
Mr. Cochrane wanted a vote, and desired a he wished to allay the alarm, quote in his
MR. DOOLITTLE'S SPEECH.
speech part of the Republican platform, which slaves, worth, on an average, $800—at least, declares an essential principle to be the main before the panic--making $400,000,000. The tenance of State rights, in order to maintain loss of $100,000 is only one-fortieth of one the balance of power, and denounced the in- per cent., about one-quarter of a mill on a vasion of any State on whatever pretext. dollar. This is less than the risk incurred in Why did not the Senator quote from the any other species of property in the United speeches of the President elect, when he had States. Suppose the people of the Border declared over and over again that he did not States resolve themselves into an insurance intend or wish to interfere with Slavery in company, how small would be the premium the States? He then read from Mr. Lincoln's to cover the loss? This special property has speeches, where he had declared he had no special advantages. It has advantages of purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere representation, and is it strange that such with Slavery in the States. He believed he property should be subjected to peculiar had no lawful right to do so, nor had he any risks? What will those gentlemen gain by inclination to do so. The Constitution, he severing the bond of the Union ? If they run averred, was formed by men who knew the this slight risk now, what will they run then, meaning of the words they employed. They when the Northern States will be under no recognized the right of Slaveholding States obligations to return their property? Would to persons held to service, and made it the ten per cent cover the loss of the State ? Let duty of the Free States to deliver up such the bond of union be broken, and slave propersons ; but left each State perfectly sover-perty would of necessity retire from the Boreign over its own laws. The law of the der, I declare that those men at the North Slave States makes slaves property. The who are called Abolitionists, stand looking law of the Free States does not make them on to-day, with an anxiety you cannot conproperty. The Constitution does neither.ceive of, and their prayers are going up toUpon the idea that the Constitution estab- night that this Union may be broken up; lishes Slavery, we cannot have peace on the that the Free States at the North must no Slavery question, and we may as well know longer be compelled, by this bond of Union, it first as last. The people of the United to surrender fugitive slaves. States will never consent that the Constitu “ The Constitution of the United States speaks in tion be so altered as to become by its own language clear enough that it is not in the power of force a Slavery-extending Constitution. But one out of ten, or of one hundred, or of all the citithey do not ask a construction put upon it zens of a State, to annul an act of Congress, because which will make it abolish Slavery in any
the Constitution of the United States and an act in State or Territory. We simply ask let the pursuance of it is a supreme law of that State, and
binding upon every citizen of that State, and every Constitution stand as our fathers made it, citizen must act at his peril. Now if this doctrine is neither affirming or denying; then we can
true, that a State by its own mere motion can as. have peace. He said Mr. Lincoln was in semble in convention a mass of its citizens, by resofavor of giving the South the Fugitive Slave lutions dissolve its connection with the Federal Gov. law, and read speeches to support the asser- ernment, and put an end to the supremacy of the tion. The South complain that they lose a Constitution and laws of the United States, several great deal hy fugitives, and few are reclaim- other consequences must follow. If one State can ed. This arises from the fact that they pos- secede from all the rest, I suppose the Senator from sess a species of property with a will of its Louisiana will not deny but that all the rest can seown, and legs of its own, and desire of its cede from one, and that of necessity gives to this own to get away. This is no fault of ours, right of secession involves the right of expulsion.
Government the power to expel a State. Your and the North are not responsible for that. Let us go a little further, and see how this doctrine The Senator from Virginia (Mr. Mason) told would apply in time of war. We were engaged in a is that, a few years ago, Virginia lost' annu war with Great Britain in 1812, and the New England ally $100,000, and he believed she lost the States, it is said, were rather disaffected, and met in same now. He would concede that, for the Convention at Hartford. Now, if the doctrine of the sake of argument, Virginia had about 500,000 gentleman is correct, any of the New England States