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CHAP. opinions, and the conceived impossibility of holding different I. opinions without overthrowing as well the pillars of their po1692. litical fabric as the fundamentals of Christian faith, and denying

doctrines which had been cherished for centuries as sound and evangelical, and for which the fathers of the church and the early reformers had alike zealously contended.

As society advances, however, it carries men onward in the path of progression; and doctrines once cherished as sacred and venerable give place to new systems, answering to the higher demands of our spiritual nature. The light which at first fitfully gleamed upon a few souls, increases in brilliancy and penetrates other souls, until at last its effulgence, like that of the sun in its meridian splendor, warms and invigorates the whole mass of humanity. The creed of the nineteenth century is not the creed of the seventeenth century, nor is Puritanism in our days what it was in the days of Wilson and Norton.

It is with the political progress of nations, however, that history principally deals. Yet it should never be forgotten that, in all communities, the religious element enters largely into the constitution of civil society, and that the institutions of a country are more or less moulded by the faith of the people upon those subjects which relate to the highest interests of man. Especially is this true of New England, for its foundations were eligiously laid.1 Spiritual forces have predominated here, and above all other forces have they shaped our destiny. The controversies which have arisen have not been mere sectarian wranglings, fields for the display of theological gladiatorship ;

To some, it may seem the height of folly to assert that the foundations of New England were religiously laid; for, of the hundred passengers of the Mayflower, at least half were women and children; and the other half was composed of adventurers and servants, as well as of members of Mr. Robinson's church. But the character of an enterprise should be judged, not

so much by the numbers which espouse it, as by the spirit of its leaders; and few will dispute that Carver, and Bradford, and Winslow, and Brewster were religious men, and came to these shores for religion's sake. These were the fathers of New England. They gave life to its institutions; and its foundations were laid by them in reverence to God.

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they are indices of the spiritual activity of the people—an CHAP. activity which, it is hoped, will never degenerate into mere latitudinarianism, or cease to exert a healthy and inspiring 1692. influence.

The connection between the colonial and the provincial history of Massachusetts can be fully understood only by an acquaintance with the political opinions of the people. According to the maxims of English jurisprudence, the civil organization of government resembled a living body; and every individual existing or arising within that body was part of it as a whole, actually and indissolubly connected with it. No individual or number of individuals, it was contended, from a distinct principle within themselves, or from their own will, could emigrate and quit that community so as to separate and fly off from the body, and effectually dissolve their connection with the same. Besides, the territory upon which the emigrants settled was claimed by the English crown as a part of its dominions; and although a charter was granted them, which permitted them to form a separate and distinct community, and establish a government having sovereign jurisdiction within its own limits, yet, being settled on the lands and within the dominions of the parent state, it was claimed that they remained "under a certain relation of allegiance to the general and supreme imperium." True, it was by the consent of the king that this emigration was made; and the emigrants had license from him to transport themselves, their children, their servants, and their goods, but on the implied condition that their lands were to be held of the king, and that they were to remain under the protection of, and in subordination to, his sovereign power.

If these points were conceded, however, as general maxims, it was at the same time contended, on the part of the colonists, that the circumstances of their emigration were peculiar, and such as warranted a construction of these maxims different from that which was ordinarily received. They affirmed - and the

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POLITICAL PROGRESS.

CHAP. correctness of their position was afterwards admitted1 - that, though they went forth under a charter from the king, yet, as 1692. their community consisted of individuals possessing the rights, liberties, and franchises of English subjects, they had a right to political liberty, so far as was consistent with a due subordination to the parent state; that they were entitled to have, to hold, and to enjoy, within the body of their colony, a free government, of the like privileges, jurisdictions, and preeminences as those of the state from which they emigrated; that they were entitled to the like power of reasoning and will in a similar legislature, and to a like judicature and executive powers within the bounds of their corporation, as the government of the mother country had within its own realm: in short, that the colony, as a politically free being, had a right to all those internal powers which were essential to its being as a free agent. The power of Parliament to tax them without their consent, since they were unrepresented in that body, was generally denied; and the right of trial by jury in all cases was inflexibly demanded.2

These claims, in their fullest extent, were not, indeed, held valid in England; for Parliament claimed, if it did not exercise, the right to tax the colonies for the benefit of the mother country; to regulate their commerce; and to legislate for them in a general way to secure their dependence. The conviction, however, is forced upon our minds, that the statesmen of England, at this date, had formed no adequate conception of the true nature of the relation of the colonies to the crown. Not only were cabinets at variance in their views, but the advice of eminent jurists was often conflicting.3 The prev alent opinions, if rigidly applied, would have reduced the colonists to vassals rather than have placed them on the footing of

1 Pownal, Admin. of the Br. Col's, pt. 2, from which the abstract in the text is principally drawn.

2

Comp. Franklin's Works, iv. 274; Grahame, Colon. Hist. i. 557.

3 See the acknowledgment of Chalmers, Revolt, i. 308, 309.

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subjects. Hence the policy of the monarchs was selfish and chap. arrogant; fatal to the interests of the people, and sure to awaken a spirit of resistance. It was feared that the colonies, 1692. if unchecked, would become formidable rivals, and cast off their allegiance. It was not perceived that the ties of consanguinity were sufficient to bind the children to the parent; and that gratitude was a more powerful motive to obedience than fear. It was supposed that the only way to keep the colonies within bounds was to cripple them by the arm of physical power.

But the founders of New England were experienced statesmen; nor as diplomatists were they inferior to the diplomatists of England. The principal men, of the clergy and of the laity, possessed disciplined minds, and talents which would have distinguished them in any sphere of action. Trained to take part in political discussions, and with a sagacity which intuitively penetrated the disguises of despotism, they wrought for posterity; and the cause in which they engaged was emphatically the cause of freedom and humanity. Not only is America indebted to them for the blessings of civil liberty, but the world is indebted to them for initiating the work of popular government and universal improvement: the world is indebted to them for scattering broadcast the seeds of imperishable political truths, which have been wafted on the wings of every breeze to the nations of Europe, to ripen in due time to a harvest of blessings.

The provincial history of Massachusetts is a continuation of its colonial history under different circumstances. The character of the people was formed before the new government was instituted; and the spirit of liberty was too widely diffused to be easily crushed. The arbitrary reign of the Stuarts was over; the struggle for the recognition of Episcopacy had ceased; yet Puritanism was still in the ascendant, and the Puritan principles were as vital as ever. The changes which had taken place had not materially affected the views of the people. Freedom was the beacon light guiding them on; and

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CHARTER OF CHARLES THE FIRST.

CHAP. the desire to enjoy it throbbed high in every heart. Not that absolute independence was sought; nor could it probably have 1692. been secured had it been sought. But the motto of all was, all freedom consistent with the acknowledged allegiance of subjects. It was impossible to stifle the conviction which had sprung up that freedom is the inalienable birthright of man, not to be parted with on any terms whatever. And it was impossible to check the tendencies towards republicanism which had grown with their growth and strengthened with their strength. Time only was needed, with its varied experience, to lead them to claim freedom in its highest and broadest form. But it is unjust to our fathers to assert that they were insincere in their professions of attachment to England; that the allegiance they acknowledged was not real, but nominal; and that they were studiously and systematically laboring to deceive. If ever men were honest in their views, the people of Massachusetts were honest. Nor was it their fault if, maddened by oppression, they felt it to be their duty to assert their natural rights, and to demand what was withheld from them by arbitrary power alone.

The province charter of 1692 differed in many respects from the charter of Charles I. The government under the latter instrument, after its transfer, was established by the people; and all officers were chosen by the majority of the votes of the freemen of the colony, attending at Boston, in person or by proxy, without summons, on the last Wednesday in Easter term annually. The deputies to the General Court were chosen by the freemen of each town. No town could send more than two deputies; towns having but twenty freemen could send but one; and those having less than ten could not send any. No person being an attorney was eligible as a deputy; and all persons aspiring to the immunities of citizenship were required to be church members, in full communion, and approved by the General Court. The legislative power was seated in the General Court, from which there was no appeal. This