MY DEAR SIR: I have duly received your letter of the 11th, in which you inform me officially, that the National Union Convention, recently in session at Baltimore, had done me the honor to nominate me as its candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States. I am deeply impressed with this manifestation of the favorable opinion of the Convention, comprising as it did among its members so many persons distinguished for public service, patriotism and intelligence; and fairly representing a considerable portion of the conservative feeling of the country. For the great cordiality with which, as you inform me, my name was proposed and received, my warmest thanks are due. The grateful acceptance of such a nomination would, under ordinary circumstances, be a matter of course; but it has unavoidably been with me the subject of long and anxious hesitation. The grounds of this hesitation I owe it to the Convention which has honored me with this mark of its confidence, and to myself, to explain; loath as I am to dwell on matters of personal interest of no importance to the public. It is generally known that I have, for some years past, retired from active participation in political life, not, as I hope I have shown, from indolence or want of sympathy with my fellow-citizens in the pursuit of the great objects of social life. The reasons of my retirement have been more than once publicly stated, and I beg to repeat them here from my speech at the Union meeting in Faneuil Hall last December: "I did not suppose that anything could occur which would make me think it my duty to appear again on this platform, on any occasion of a political character; and had this meeting been of a party nature, or designed to promote any party purposes, I should not have been here. When compelled, by the prostration of my health, five years ago, to resign the distinguished place which I then filled in the public service,it was with no expectation, no wish, and no intention of ever again mingling in the scenes of public life. I have, accordingly, with the partial restoration of my health, abstained from all participation in political action of any kind; partly because I have found a more congenial, and, as I venture to think, a more useful occupation, in seeking to rally the affections of my countrymen, North and South, to that great name and precious memory which are left almost alone of all the numerous kindly associations which once bound the different sections of the country together, and also because, between the extremes of opinion that have long distracted and now threaten to convulse the country, I find no middle ground of practical usefulness, on which a friend of moderate counsels can stand." 't having been suggested to me, notwithstanding these avowals, that I might be thought of, at the Union Convention, as a candidate for the Presidency, I requested, by telegraphic message and by letter, that my name, if brought forward, might be withdrawn. It is true that in these communications I had only in view a nomination to the Presidency, none other having been suggested to me; but all the reasons above indicated, which led me in advance to decline such a nomination, apply with equal force to the Vice-Presidency. These reasons, of course, still exist in unimpaired force, and I cannot now take an active part in politics without abandoning a deliberately formed purpose, and even exposing myself to the suspicion of insincerity in its persistent avowal. Without dwelling upon these considerations, of which, however, I am sure the weight will be admitted, I beg leave to advert for a moment to my connection with the movement for the purchase of Mount Vernon, to which your letter alludes in such obliging terms. The favor which has attended my exertions in that cause (if I may without indelicacy say anything on that subject) has been mainly the result of my known and recognized disconnection from party politics. If it could have been even plausibly insinuated that I was, or intended to become, a candidate for high political honors, I should, in my various excursions in aid of that fund, have laid myself open to the imputation of speaking one word for Mount Vernon and two for myself. As it is, the people through out the Union have generously given me credit for hav ing a single eye to that meritorious object. As far as the purchase of Mount Vernon is concerned, that object has been effected, under the judicious and efficient management of the Regent and Vice-Regents of the Association, with the aid of their intelligent and active assistants throughout the Union. But a sum of money equal to that already raised is still wanting for the repair of the Mansion, the inclosure of the land purchased, the restoration of the house and grounds, as far as practicable, to their condition in 1800, and the establishment of a permanent fund for their conservation. I own that I am desirous still to enjoy the privilege of couperating in this noble work, which, however, it will be in possible for me to do to any advantage, whatever may be the result of the present canvass, if I am drawn into the vortex of a strenuously contested election. There are many parts of the country which I have not yet visited. I had promised myself a rich harvest from the patriotic liberality of the States on the Gulf of Mexico, and of those on the Mississippi River (which I have not yet been able to visit, with the exception of Missouri, through often kindly invited), and I confess that it is very painful to me to withdraw from that broad field of congenial labor to tread the thorny and thankless paths of politics. Apart from the pecuniary aspects of the case, which, however, are of considerable importance, I will candidly say that in holding up to the admiring veneration of the American people the peerless name of Washington, (almost the only bond of fraternal sentiment which the bitterness of our sectional controversies has left us), I feel as if I was doing more good, as far as I am able to do any good, and contributing more to revive the kindly feeling which once existed between North and South, and which is now, I grieve to say, nearly extinct, than I could possibly do by engaging in the wretched scramble for office-which is one great source of the dangers that threaten the country. These considerations, and others of a still more personal nature, have necessarily occasioned me to reflect long and anxiously, before accepting the nomination with which the Union. Convention has honored me. In yielding at length to the earnest solicitations which have been addressed to me, from the most respectable sources in almost every part of the Union, I make a painful sacrifice of inclination to what I am led to believe a public duty. It has been urged upon me, and I cannot deny that such is my own feelings, that we have fallen upon times that call upon all good citizens, at whatever cost of personal convenience, to contribute their share, however humble, to the public service. I suppose it to be the almost universal impression-it is certainly mine-that the existing state of affairs is extremely critical. Our political controversies have substantially assumed an almost purely sectional characterthat of a fearful struggle between the North and the South. It would not be difficult to show at length the perilous nature and tendency of this struggle, but I can only say, on this occasion, that, in my opinion, it cannot be much longer kept up, without rending the Union. I do not mean that either of the great parties in the country desires or aims at a separation of the States as a final object, although there are extremists in considerable numbers who have that object in view. While a potent and a baleful influence is exercised by men of this class, in both sections of the Union, a portion of the conservative masses are insensibly and gradually goaded into concurrence with opinions and sentiments with which, in the outset, they had no sympathy. Meantime, almost wholly neglecting the main public interests, our political controversies turn more and more on questions, in reference to which, as abstract formulæ, the great sections of the country differ irreconcilably, though there is nothing practically important at stake which requires the discussion to be kept up. These controversies are carried on with steadily increasing bitterness and exasperation. The passions thus kindled have already led to acts of violence and bloodshed, approaching to civil war in the Territories, and attempted servile insurrection in the States. The great religious and philanthropic associations of the country are sundered, and the kindly social relations of North and South seriously impaired. The national House of Representatives, hovering on the verge of anarchy, requires weeks to effect an organization, which ought to be the work of an hour, and it holds its sessions (many of its members, I am told, armed with concealed weapons), on the crust of a volcano. The candidates for the Presidency representing respectively the dominant sectional ideas, will, at the ensuing election, in all probability, be sup ported by a purely geographical vote. In other words, we are already brought to a pass, at which North and South cannot and will not cooperate in the periodical reorganization of the Government. Can such a state of things long continue, especially blood of an unarmed, defenceless man, and he a Senator with the ever-present risk of new causes of exasperation? of Massachusetts: if by laying down my life this hour, I I own it seems to me impossible, unless some healing could undo what has been done the last two years (begincourse is adopted, that the catastrophe, which the mass of ning with the disastrous repeal of the Missouri Comprogood citizens deprecate, should be much longer delayed.mise) to embitter the different parts of the country against A spirit of patriotic moderation must be called into action each other, and weaken the ties which unite them, I would throughout the Union, or it will assuredly be broken up. willingly, cheerfully, make the sacrifice. Unless the warfare of inflammatory speeches and incendiary publications is abandoned, and good citizens, as in 1776 and 1787, North and South, will agree to deal with the same elements of discord (for they existed then as now), as our Fathers dealt with them, we shall but for a very few years longer be even nominally brethren of one family. The suggestion that the Union can be maintained by the numerical predominance and military prowess of one section, exerted to coerce the other into submission, is, in my judgment, as self-contradictory as it is dangerous. It comes loaded with the death smell from fields wet with brothers' blood. If the vital principle of all republican government "is the consent of the governed," much more does a union of coequal sovereign States require, as its basis, the harmony of its members and their voluntary coöperation in its organic functions. Believing, for these reasons, that healing counsels must be listened to, if we are much longer to remain one people, I regard the late National Union Convention as a movement in the right direction. I could wish that it had been earlier assembled; with less exclusive reference to official nominations, and with a more comprehensive representation, if possible, of the conflicting opinions of the country. On general principles and in ordinary times, I admit that third parties are objectionable, but in the existing state of affairs, if there is to be any escape from the present illomened conflict, it would seem that a commencement must be made with such a meeting as that of the 9th and 10th, at Baltimore. It was a fair representation of the conservative opinion of the country; and the calmness, gravity and good feeling with which its proceedings were conducted, cannot be too highly praised. In adopting as its platform the Constitution without note or comment, the Convention, as it seems to me, pursued a wise and patriotic course. No other course was thought of in the earlier days of the Republic. Electioneering platforms are almost without exception equivocal and delusive. It is objected that men differ as to the meaning of the fundamental law; but they differ not less as to any gloss or commentary. The Constitution, in its fair and natural interpretation, is the only basis on which good citizens in every part of the country can now unite; and any attempt to go further will usually have no other effect than to cause those who agree on great practical principles to differ on metaphysical subtleties, or to bring together, by artfully constructed phrases and from selfish motives, those who have nothing else in common. In a letter, written subsequently, in explanation of these remarks, Mr. Everett saidI have condemned from the outset, and still most decidedly condemn the policy of the late Administration towards Kansas. I opposed the Kansas-Nebraska bill in the Territorial Committee, of which I was a member. I voted against the amendment to the bill by which the Missouri Compromise was repealed. I opposed the bill to the best of my ability, in a speech delivered in the Senate on the 8th of February, 1854, of which I send you a copy; and I should have voted against it on its passage (as I stated in my place at the next meeting of the Senate) had not severe illness compelled me, at 3 o'clock in the morning, to leave the Senate chamber before the vote was taken. I informed my Southern political friends, when the bill was brought in, that it ought to be entitled a bill to "annihilate all conservative feeling in the non-slaveholding States." With these views of the subject, though, as I trust, for reasons higher than any effect on party politics, Ifully concurred in the main line of argument in Mr. Sumner's speech. Abstaining, however, habitually myself from all personalities in debate, and believing that they always irritate and never persuade nor convince I could not of course bestow my "unqualified approbation" on the manner in which he treated the subject. GEORGIA ON EVERETT. On the accession of Gen. Harrison to the Presidency, in 1840, he nominated the Hon. Edward Everett as minister to England, and this nomination was resisted with great pertinacity by the entire force of the Democratic party in the Senate, on the ground of Mr. Everett's Anti-Slavery sentiments, already quoted. The Whigs having a majority in the Senate, the nomination, after a severe struggle. was confirmed. Among those voting for the Confirmation was the Hon. James McPherson Berrien, of Georgia; but his vote on this occasion was so distasteful to the people of Georgia that the legislature of that State adopted the following resolve: The candidate for the Presidency, presented by the Union Convention, is every way worthy of confidence and support. I speak from personal knowledge and long asso- Edward Everett, now minister to England of the power Resolved, That the opinions publicly proclaimed by ciation with him in the public service. His distinguished talent, large experience in public affairs, proved integ-trict of Columbia, to interdict the slave-trade between the and obligation of Congress to abolish Slavery in the Disrity and sterling patriotism furnish the amplest pledge for an honest and efficient administration of the government at home and abroad. A citizen of the South, and loyal to her constitutional rights, his impartial and conciliatory course as a public man affords a ground on which he can be supported in either section of the country, without dereliction of principle, and by men of all parties, without a painful sacrifice of former preferences. Deeply regretting that the Convention has not put it in my power to pay an equally cordial and emphatic tribute to some worthy candidate for the Vice-Presidency, but feeling it a duty to give the desired proof of sympathy with their patriotic efforts to restore the happy days of brotherly concord between the different sections of our beloved country. I remain, dear sir, sincerely yours, EDWARD EVERETT. MR. EVERETT ON SUMNER. Soon after the brutal assault on Charles Sumner, in 1856, Mr. Everett, in some remarks delivered at Taunton, Mass., referred to the subject as follows: States, and to refuse the admission into the Union of any character, subversive of the rights of the South, and if Territory tolerating Slavery, are unconstitutional in their carried out, will destroy this Union; and that the Hon. John McPherson Berrien, in sustaining for an important appointment, an individual holding such obnoxious sentiments, has omitted a proper occasion to give an efficient check to such sentiments, and in so doing has not truly represented the opinions or wishes of the people of Georgia, of either political party. The vote of the legislature on the adoption of this resolve was: In the Senate, Ayes 40; Nays 0. In the House, Ayes 101; Nays 40. JUDGE DOUGLAS ON THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE. In a speech delivered at Springfield, Ill., in 1849, Senator Douglas, in speaking of the Missouri Compromise, said: It has received the sanction of all parties in every section of the Union. It had its origin in the hearts of all patriotic men who desired to preserve and perpetuate the blessings of our glorious Union-an origin akin to that of the Constitution of the United States, conceive.i in the same spirit of fraternal affection, and calculated to at some distant day to sever the sacred bond of Union. All the evidences of public opinion seem to indicate that this Compromise has become canonized in the hearts of the American people as a sacred thing, which no ruthless hand would be reckless enough to disturb. The civil war, with its horrid train of pillage, fire, and slaughter, carried on, without the slightest provocation, against the infant settlements of our brethren on the fron-remove forever the only danger which seemed to threaten tier of the Union; the worse than civil war which has for months raged unrebuked at the Capital of the Union, and has at length, by an act of lawless violence, of which I know no parallel in the history of Constitutional Government. stained the floor of the Senate chamber with the Total. 67379 39080 3325 32543 41609 8030 35125 89880 12096 34378 45719 4836 46612 46201 Fremont over Buchanan, 28,299; Pierce over Scott, 9,066; Cass over Taylor, 4,755; Polk over Clay, 11,841; Harrison over Van Buren, 411. Mr. James G. Birney received 194 votes in this State, in 1840. Belknap Carroll Cheshire Coos .... 2062 2220 2 Grafton Hillsboro' Merrimac Rockingham. 21 737 1887 262 610 1769 334 864 1701 17 491 1825 350 539 1885 625 732 1816 233 Unorganized 56 2068 2264 698 1881 2076 945 2358 2070 374 3638 376 1491 167 230 1282 219 348 1364 108 525 5029 4620 39 2043 4286 771 1927 4060 1104 2566 4046 7081 5326 85 2985 4855 1447 2799 4773 1257 8124 4583 4949 4730 43 1627 4628 1001 1245 4218 1076 1589 3821 5914 4915 111 2506 4502 1071 2710 8972 982 2830 4007 3566 2683 20 2003 2250 498 2449 2007 28 1316 2059 430 248 Unorganized 2302 631 8691 1341 4978 4084 5072 Total 38345 32789 422 16147 29997 6695 14781 27763 7560 17866 27160 4161 26168 32761 Fremont over Buchanan, 5,556; Pierce over Scott, 13,850; Cass over Taylor, 12,982; Polk over Clay, 9,294; Van Buren over Harrison, 6,598. Mr. Birney received 126 votes in 1840. Whig. Dem. F. Soil. Whig. Total........ 11467 6680 1675 7626 8735 644 6779 3646 730 7322 4867 107 5278 8301 Fremont over Buchanan, 4,787; Pierce over Scott, 1,109; Taylor over Cass, 3,133; Clay over Polk, 2,455; Harrison over Van Buren, 1,977. Mr. Birney received 42 votes in 1840. Worcester... 7228 1772 1496 8552 5853 4648 17971, 4604 1129 2993 2080 2440 8568 1847 8895 8173 2132 5827 5058 8343 3189 5217 4287 5404 4238 4449 3315 5065 8548 8778 4659 509 7557 4339 9359 7562 2147 11587 6764 888 805 108190 39240 19626 52683 44569 28023 61070 85281 28058 67418 52846 10860 12874 51944 Fremont over Buchanan, 68,950; Scott over Pierce, 8,114; Taylor over Cass, 25,789; Clay over Polk, 14,572; Harrison over Van Buren, 20,930. Mr. Birney received 1,621 votes in 1840. VERMONT. COUNTIES. Frem' Buc'an Fillie. Rep. Dem. Am. Whig. Total... 89561 10569 545 22173 13044 8621 23122 10948 13887 26770 18041 3954 82440 18018 Fremont over Buchanan, 28,992; Scott over Pierce, 9,129; Taylor over Cass, 12,174; Clay over Polk, 8,729; Harrison over Van Buren, 14,422. Mr. Birney received 819 votes in 1840. NEW JERSEY. COUNTIES. Rep. Dem. Am. Whig. Dem. F. Soil. Whig. Dem. Free D. Whig. Dem. Abo. Whig. Dem. Buchanan over Fremont, 18,605; Pierce over Scott, 5,749 Taylor over Cass, 3,114; Clay over Polk, 823; Hanison over Van Buren, 2,317. Mr. Birney received 69 votes in 1840. Hocking 1092 1454 115 Holmes.. 1285 2103 3468 1709 Jackson.... Jefferson 19 343 626 1111 Lawrence Licking Logan Lorain Lucas.. Madison. Mahoning 2323 1937 29 Marion... 1367 1275 Medina Meigs 4 28 865 1552 21 15 Noble Un organized. 63 192 1417 2246 17 1488 2192 19 1527 2273 2175 2041 35 2115 1960 24 2219 2012 927 1029 16 843 909 33 800 836 2983 2072 1351 2007 1296 1270 2149 1127 2510 2247 244 2524 1968 2249 1561 273 2253 1633 197 2106 1519 314 2262 1526 790 1116 4 461 890 61 402 634 8 451 697 2726 2909 53 2133 3234 209 2087 3177 188 3448 5574 2436 2681 589 8091 2465 179 8894 2306 174 3321 2380 1548 1599 45 1064 1619. 88 928 1148 124 997 1214 546 634 1321 1804 1424 29 1838 1268 13 1519 1095 2565 2605 103 1972 2809 118 1586 2326 483 1727 2316 1356 1446 127 1147 1309 54 1021 1129 49 1026 1014 3770 3633 29 2740 3634 856 2382 3495 570 2952 3575 3185 1746 74 2336 1965 660 1892 1815 1058 2841 2056 184 18 1968 2039 1739 1364 1951 2075 3887 3544 18 2659 2685 112 2662 2553 164 2696 2358 263 1249 943 255 1030 797 178 1009 710 789 946 577 Unorganized 2818 1501 |