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fine questions of taste, fitness, and proportion, that were not so urgent in the case of the direct address to the Revolutionary soldiers. "He said," says Ticknor, "that he felt as if he knew how to talk to such men, for that his father, and many of his father's friends whom he had known, had been among them.''

QUALITIES OF THE ADDRESS.

Five years before the date of this address Webster had given at Plymouth the oration celebrating the "First Settlement of New England," which Ticknor described as "a series of eloquent fragments. In that oration Webster had touched upon the power of local association, the historical event, the character of the Pilgrims, the growth and future of the country, on liberty, on the national view of the constitution, on education and on slavery. The point of Ticknor's description is that these topics were not so closely knit together as to make an organized unity. No such criticism could be passed on the Monument speech. Although the range of topics is even greater than in the Plymouth Oration, and consequently the problem of relating them closely to one another is more difficult, unity of organization is effected with apparent ease. (See outline and study of the principles of arrangement, Introduction, pp. 24-28.) Many of the ideas are the same in the two orations; for instance the idéa of the power of local association (p. 74, 1. 9. See also p. 56, 1. 23), of the growth of mankind in education (p. 89) and in government (pp. 93-94). Besides unity and wide range of topics, the Monument Address shows ease of transition; its continuity is unbroken. In making transitions Webster uses the "echo" frequently,-some word or sentiment towards the end of one paragraph being repeated at the beginning of the next (e. g. deep impression,'' p. 74, 1. 7, is echoed in "affect" and "emotions,'' ll. 10, 11). This is a special form of the arrangement by contiguity (see p. 24). Note also the easy approach to the address to the survivors (p. 80, 1. 19), to the veterans (p. 82, 1. 20) and to Lafayette (p. 87, 1. 26). Another quality conspicuous in all of Webster's orations is massiveness; there is a sufficient bulk of material gathered about each point to give it due importance and dignity; a sense of satisfaction is experienced as the discussion of each topic is concluded. The language is plain and direct; almost devoid of subtlety and fancy (the one fanciful allusion in this speech is to the ships about the Charlestown navy yard, p. 81, 1. 11). Yet there is imagination (e. g. p. 75, 11. 8-23). There is picturesqueness (e. g. p. 79). There is force. These are higher qualities, independent of vocabulary and of sentence

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length; they are qualities that arise from the vision or insight of the speaker into the deeper significance of the occasion (cf. pp. 75, 78, 81, 88, 89, 91, 93). The sentences are short and clear; they are void of monotony on account of the fullness and variety of thought which they carry. It is Webster's simplicity of expression, combined with the amplitude of his thought and the dignity of his emotion, that explains the power of his speech. It was this that led those who listened to him to speak of his discourse as having "magnanimity,” or high seriousness, or largeness, or sweep, or "elevation, or tone. These words point to characteristics of the speaker's personality while, at the same time, they describe his speech; thus they indicate his sincerity and perfect competence for the occasion. (Other points are touched upon in the Introduction, pp. 24-31). Webster's speeches are full of political wisdom and the Monument Address is no exception. (See especially pp. 89, 92.) Our attention is held by his thoughts, rather than by the way in which they are clothed. He makes no effort for small adornment; quotations and literary allusions are few. That on p. 81, 1. 34, is from Milton's Paradise Lost, V, 310-311; that on p. 85, 1. 29, is from Virgil's Eneid, VI, 726 ("infused through all parts, intelligence moves the whole mass and permeates the great body"); that on p. 89, 1. 4 is from Horace's Carmina, I. 2, 45 ("May you return late to heaven; may you live long!''); that on p. 94, 1. 18 is from Homer's Iliad, XVIII; books that Webster read in the academy and in college and that continued to be his favorites through life. From the nature of the case, historical references are numerous. The matters with which they deal, colonial history, the French Revolution, the Greek Revolution, South American States, are treated at length in the larger histories, Fiske, Bancroft, Von Holst, Lalor's Cyclopedia of United States History, or may be traced by use of the index volume of the American Statesmen Series. On page 95, 11. 2026 the reference is to the events that followed the Greek War against Turkey, for independence (1821-1829). In 1830, the great powers declared Greece an independent kingdom, Turkey agreeing; but they were unable to provide a king for Greece until 1832. Meanwhile Greece was ruled by a dictator and conditions were so bad as to justify the alternatives mentioned, 11. 5-9. As would be expected, melody and cadence on the small scale of single sentences, are not prominent characteristics of Webster, but in the larger divisions of his discourse, rhythm and harmony are prominent. They arise from the large sweep of his thought and emotion, and are best noticed as he approaches and reaches his climaxes (pp. 78, 83, 97 and 99).

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

ADDRESS AT INDEPENDENCE HALL.

Mr. Lincoln had spoken his brief but touching farewell to his Springfield neighbors, February 11, 1861, and had started for Washington. After stopping at various points to make speeches, he had reached Philadelphia, where he was to assist at a flag-raising. The secession of Southern states, the demoralization of the Buchanan Administration at Washington, the timid attitude of the North, and of Congress, were postelection developments. Through these, the issues on which Lincoln had won the election had suddenly become obsolete. The issue was now no longer anti-slavery, but the Union and how to save it. The Independence Hall speech recognizes this great change of issues (p. 100, 11. 5-7, ll. 19-21; p. 101, 11. 3-10), and the Union is Lincoln's theme from this time on. The place suggested the central idea, "The Declaration of Independence furnishes the principle on which the Union must be saved." While hundreds of influential but timid Northerners were, at the moment, ready to yield any and all principles in order to pacify the South, here was a strong declaration from the President-elect, that there would be no war unless it was forced upon the government. The effect of this address was to hearten the North and to impress the South with the fact that Lincoln was in no sense doubtful as to the duty before him. In connection with the last sentence of the address it should be remembered that there were credible rumors of a plot to assassinate Lincoln as he should pass through Baltimore on the next day or two. The plot, if it existed, was frustrated by making the journey earlier than the time announced, and Lincoln entered Washington February 23d, unharmed.

THE FIRST INAUGURAL.

This, the most momentous utterance in our history, left no doubt that the real issue was now union or disunion, and of the firm course President Lincoln would take. "The union of these states is perpetual"; "No state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union"; "I shall take care that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the states"; "The central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy"; The power confided in me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts"; "You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government,

while I shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect and defend' it," these direct, simple, firm, and earnest sentences, impossible to misunderstand, meant that the seceded states must either abandon their project or make war to maintain it. By the most persuasive pleas and reasonings they were solicited to abandon their project. They are first assured (pp. 102, 103) that Republican success does not mean danger to slavery in the Southern states; that the President deems the enactment of a Fugitive Slave Law a constitutional obligation binding on Congress (pp. 103, 104). Indeed he makes suggestions for improving the existing law (p. 104, 11. 18-26). Then follow the open acknowledgment that an attempt is being made to disrupt the Union (p. 105) and the argument that the Union is perpetual and secession ordinances void (p. 106); the duty and intentions of the President (pp. 106, 107); the plea to those who love the Union (pp. 107, 108); the lack of real grievances against the government (p. 108); the reduction of secession to a logical absurdity (p. 109); the true attitude of the citizen towards the Supreme Court (p. 110); the folly of secession (pp. 110, 111); Lincoln's willingness that the Constitution should be amended (pp. 111, 112); the appeal to faith in the triumph of the right (p. 112); the appeal to old friendship and to patriotism (pp. 113, 114). In an earlier draft of the inaugural the word nothing was used for the word void (p. 106, 1. 16), the word treasonable instead of the word revolutionary (p. 106, 1. 18). The clauses in view of the Constitution and the laws (p. 106, 1. 19) and as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me (p. 106, 1. 21) were omitted; tangible way was used for authoritative manner (p. 106, 1. 27) and the last line of the paragraph (p. 106, 1. 30) read, that it will have its own and defend itself. (The student will find it instructive to consider what difference in implication there is between the word rejected and the word adopted in each case and to account for the alterations adopted by Lincoln.) The original draft of the final paragraphs (p. 113) read as follows: "My dissatisfied fellow-countrymen; you cannot forbear the assault upon it; I cannot shrink from the defense of it. With you, and not with me, is the solemn question of Shall it be peace or a sword?" To this Mr. Seward objected on the ground that "something besides or in addition to argument is needful-to meet and remove prejudice and passion in the South and despondency and fear in the East. Some words of affection-some of calm and cheerful confidence."' Mr. Seward proposed the following: "I close. We are not, we must not be, aliens or enemies, but fellow-countrymen and brethren. Although passion has strained our bonds of affection too hardly, they must not, I am sure they will not, be

broken. The mystic chords which, proceeding from so many battle-fields and so many patriot graves, pass through all the hearts and all the hearths in this broad continent of ours, will yet again harmonize in their ancient music when breathed upon by the guardian angel of the nation." Compare these versions with the text finally adopted by Mr. Lincoln and account for the alterations. Lincoln's fine precision in the use of words, his sense for choosing words with the association desired, his gift for direct statement, his ability to make every sentence say and imply no more and no less than he meant it to say and imply, can be illustrated on every page of this inaugural. He attributed his power over language to the fact that he never was satisfied with an idea until he had put it in language "plain enough for any boy to comprehend." The tone is firm but kindly, the spirit breathes native greatness and honesty of intention.

THE LETTER TO GREELEY.

In spite of the clear statement of the First Inaugural that the supreme issue was not now anti-slavery but the saving of the Union, many of Lincoln's supporters continued to think of the war only in its bearings on slavery. The radicals were zealous to destroy slavery at once; the conservatives were willing to preserve it. Each faction was eager to criticise every act of the administration with sole reference to the effect on slavery. Lincoln was on record as saying that he believed the Union could not permanently endure half-slave and half-free. He was known to hate human slavery. It might be inferred that when convinced of the necessity of emancipation as a war measure, solely in order to save the Union, he would proclaim freedom to the slave. He was meditating whether the hour had not arrived and had discussed the subject with his Cabinet July 22, 1862. But he had laid the proclamation aside awaiting Union victories. These did not come; and the radicals were more bitter in their criticism of his "'inaction" than ever. August 20, 1862, the New York Tribune, Greeley's paper, printed an open letter to Abraham Lincoln signed by Horace Greeley charging the President with not executing the laws energetically, with not carrying forward emancipation; with not taking counsel with radicals instead of conservatives, with acting timidly, with deferring to Southern sentiment, and with much more to the same purport. The purpose of Lincoln's reply was to restrain the impatience of those enthusiasts who felt as Greeley wrote, and to turn Greeley's letter to account in making public sentiment ready for emancipation. Lincoln aimed