declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no chango shall occur, which, in the judgment of the competent authority of this government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.

"The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact, no stronger proof can be adduced, than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principles satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed, by force, in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are interested; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy, in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless, remains the same; which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But, in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent, without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in

the hope that other powers will pursue the same course.'

The

This language, so just, so patriotic, so independent, it scarcely needs be added, received the approbation of the whole American people, and called forth the warmest eulogium of the friends of rational liberty in Europe. independent stand, thus taken by the American nation, has, thus far, had the effect upon the nations in question, to repress those aggressions upon our southern brethren, which, there is too much evidence not to believe, were designed,

On the present state of the country, the president held the following strong and eloquent language: "If we compare the present condition of our union with its actual state at the close of our revolution, the history of the world furnishes no example of a progress in improvement, in all the important circumstances which constitute the happiness of At the first a nation, which bears any resemblance to it. epoch, our population did not exceed three millions. By the last census, it amounted to about ten millions, and, what is more extraordinary, it is almost altogether native; for the emigration from other countries has been inconsiderable. At the first epoch, half the territory within our acknowledged limits was uninhabited and a wilderness Since then new territory has been acquired, of vast extent, comprising within it many rivers, particularly the Mississippi, the navigation of which to the ocean was of the highest importance to the original states. Over this territory our population has expanded in every direction, and new states have been established, almost equal, in number. to those which formed the first bond of our union. This expansion of our population, and accession of new states to our union, have had the happiest effect on all its higher interests. That it has eminently augmented our resources, and added to our strength and respectability, as a power, is admitted by all. But it is not in these important circumstances only, that this happy effect is felt. It is manifest, that, by enlarging the basis of our system, and increasing the number of states, the system itself has been greatly strengthened in both its branches. Consolidation and disunion have thereby been rendered equally impracticable. Each government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from the other; and, in consequence, each enjoying a greater freedom of action, is rendered more et ficient for all the purposes for which it was instituted."

Sec. 26

In his message to congress, at the

opening of the session, the president, having alluded to the struggle of the Greeks for liberty, and having expressed, as the organ of public sentiment, the sympathy of the nation in their behalf, a resolution was presented to the house of representatives, by a member, providing for the expenses incident to the appointment of an agent, or commissioner to Greece, whenever the president should deem such appointment expedient. Although congress did not deem it expedient to adopt the resolution, it being indefinitely post-" poned, it served to call forth the warmest expressions of regard, on the floor of congress, for that oppressed people, and to elicit the attachment of the country to the principles of rational liberty.

"In offering the resolution, Mr. Webster stated, it was far from being his wish, in any manner, to commit the house, in this or any of the political contests of Europe; but the president of the United States having, in his message to congress, not only expressed a belief that the Greek nation, in its present struggle with its opposers, had the good wishes of the whole civilized world, but also advanced the opinion that the Turkish dominion over that country was lost forever; he thought that, if such were the fact, it was important that congress should act upon the subject. The main object in view was to obtain from this house an expression responsive to the sentiment of the message, in reference to the sacrifices and sufferings of that heroic people-sacrifices and sufferings, which ought to excite the sympathy of every liberal minded man in Europe, as well as in this country. But, whatever might be the case with other nations, we certainly ought not to be restrained from expressing, with freedom, what are our views in relation to the Greek cause, so far as may be done without committing ourselves in the contest. And he really did hope that we should show to the world, that there is, at least, one government which does entertain a proper view of that barbarous despotism, which, under the eyes of Europe, has been permitted, by a system of the foulest atrocity, to at tempt to crush an interesting Christian nation.

In most of our large towns and literary institutions,

meetings were held in reference to this subject, and resolutions adopted, expressive of sentiments alike honorable to our citizens as members of a free community, and as friends of humanity. They spoke a language worthy of the cause which called them forth, and such as the circumstances of the age require. They are a proof, too, of the existence and the energy of that principle in the American people, which removes them farther from the supporters of legiti macy than the breadth of the Atlantic, and is a safer bulwark than its billows."

To this it may be added, that, at a subsequent period, large contributions were made throughout the country, and forwarded to the constituted authorities of Greece, to aid them in achieving the liberties of that interesting people.

Sec. 27. On the 27th of May, 1824, the eighteenth congress closed .its first session. Among the most important bills which were passed, was one for abolishing imprisonment for debt; and a second establishing a tariff of duties on imports into the country.

Each of these bills caused much debate in the national legislature, and excited no small solicitude among those classes of citizens whose interests were likely to be most affected by them. The bill for abolishing imprisonment for debt was necessarily qualified and guarded, giving no immunity to fraud, and containing the requisite checks to shield its benefits from abuse. The bill for a revision of the tariff occupied the house of representatives for ten weeks, and was at length passed only by a majority of five. On the occasion of its final decision, only two members, out of two hundred and thirteen, were absent.

Sec. 28. In the course of the summer an event occurred, which caused the highest sensations of joy throughout the union; this was the arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, the friend and ally of the Americans, during the former war with Great Britain, and who eminently contributed, by his fortune, influence, skill, and braery, to achieve the glorious objects of their revolutionary struggle