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Such was the beginning of open hostilities, which were succeeded by a series of other hostilities characterized by the spirit and manner of war, although the formal declaration of war was not made until 1756, two years after, as already mentioned.

Sec. 5. The British ministry, perceiving war to be inevitable, recommended to the British colonies in America, to unite in some scheme for their common defence. Accordingly, a convention of delegates from Massachusetts, NewHampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, with the lieutenant governor and council of New-York, was held at Albany, this year, 1754, and a plan of union adopted, resembling, in several of its features, the present constitution of the United States.

But the plan met with the approbation, neither of the provincial assemblies, nor the king's council. By the former, it was rejected, because it gave too much power to the crown; and by the latter, because it gave too much power to the people.

According to this plan, a grand council was to be formed, of members chosen by the provincial assemblies, and sent from all the colonies; which council, with a governor general, appointed by the crown, and having a negative voice, should be empowered to make general laws, to raise money in all the colonies for their defence, to call forth troops, regulate trade, lay duties, &c. &c.

The plan, thus matured, was approved and signed, on the fourth of July, the day that Washington surrendered Fort Necessity, and twenty-two years before the declaration of Independence, by all the delegates, excepting those from Connecticut, who objected to the negative voice of the governor general.

One circumstance, in the history of this plan, deserves here to be recorded, as evincing the dawning spirit of the revolution. Although the plan was rejected by the provincial assemblies, they declared. without reserve, that if it

were adopted, they would undertake to defend themselves from the French, without any assistance from Great Britain. They required, but to be left to employ their supplies in their own way, to effect their security and predominance.

The mother country was too jealous to trust such powers with the Americans; but she proposed another plan, designed to lay a foundation for the perpetual dependence and slavery of the colonies. This plan was, that the governors, with one, or more of their council, should form a convention to concert measures for the general defence, to erect fortifications, raise men, &c. &c. with power to draw upon the British treasury, to defray all charges; which charges should be reimbursed by taxes upon the colonies, imposed by acts of parliament. But to allow the British government the right of taxation-to lay the colonies under the obligations of a debt to be thus liquidated-to subject themselves to the rapacity of king's collectors, we scarcely need say, was a proposal which met with universal disapprobation.

Sec. 6. Early in the spring of 1755, preparations were made, by the colonies, for vigorous exertions against the enemy. Four expeditions were planned. One against the French in Nova Scotia; a second against the French on the Ohio; a third against Crown Point; and a fourth against Niagara.

Sec. 7. The expedition against Nova Scotia, consisting of three thousand men, chiefly from Massachusetts, was led by Gen. Monckton and Gen. Winslow. With these troops, they sailed from Boston, May 20th, and on the 1st of June, arrived at Chignecto, on the bay of Fundy. After being joined by three hundred British troops, and a small train of artillery, they proceeded against fort Beau Sejour, which, after four days investment, surrendered. The name of the fort was now changed to that of Cumberland. From this place Gen. Monckton proceeded further into the country, took other forts in possession of the French, and disarmed the inhabitants. By this successful expedition, the English possessed them

selves of the whole country of Nova Scotia, a part of which, as already noticed, the French claimed; its tranquillity was restored, and upon a permanent basis.

In this whole expedition, the English took but twenty men. Large quantities of provisions and military stores fell into their hands, with a number of valuable cannon.

The French force in Nova Scotia being subdued, a difficult question occurred, respecting the disposal to be made of the inhabitants. Fearing that they might join the French in Canada, whom they had before furnished with intelligence, quarters, and provisions, it was determined to disperse them among the English colonies. Under this order, one thousand nine hundred were thus dispersed.

Sec. 8. The expedition against the French, on the Ohio, was led by Gen. Braddock, a British officer, who commenced his march from Virginia, in June, with about two thousand men. Apprehensive that Fort du Quesne, against which he was proceeding, might be reinforced, Braddock, with one thousand two hundred selected troops, hastened his march, leaving Col. Dunbar to follow more slowly, with the other troops, and the heavy baggage.

On the 8th of July, Braddock had advanced sixty miles forward of Col. Dunbar, and within twelve or fourteen miles of Fort du Quesne. Here he was advised by his officers to proceed with caution, and was earnestly entreated by Col. Washington, his aid, to permit him to precede the army, and guard against surprise. Too haughty and self-confident to receive advice, Braddock, without any knowledge of the condition of the enemy, continued to press towards the fort. About twelve o'clock, July 9th, when within seven miles of the fort, he was suddenly attacked by a body of French and Indians. Although the enemy did not exceed five hundred, yet, after an

action of three hours, Braddock, under whom five horses had been killed, was mortally wounded, and his troops defeated. The loss of the English army was sixty-four out of eighty-five officers, and nearly half the privates.

This unfortunate defeat of Gen. Braddock is to be ascribed to his imprudence, and too daring intrepidity. Had he attended to those precautions which were recommended to him, he would not have been thus ambuscaded; or had he wisely retreated from a concealed enemy, and scoured the thicket with his cannon, the melancholy catastrophe might have been avoided. But, obstinately riveted to the spot on which he was first attacked, he vainly continued his attempt to form his men in regular order, although, by this means, a surer prey to the enemy, until being himself wounded, he could no longer be accessary to the destruction of human life.

A remarkable fact in the history of this affair remains to be told. Gen. Braddock held the provincial troops in great contempt. Consequently, he kept the Virginians, and other provincials, who were in the action, in the rear. Yet, although equally exposed with the rest, far from being affected with the fears that disordered the regular troops, they stood firm and unbroken, and under Colonel Washington, covered the retreat of the regulars, and saved them from total destruction.

The retreat of the army, after Braddock was wounded, was precipitate. No pause was made until the rear division was met. This division, on its junction with the other, was seized with the same spirit of flight with the retreating, and both divisions proceeded to Fort Cumberland, a distance of nearly one hundred and twenty miles from the place of action.

Had the troops, even here, recovered their spirits and returned, success might still have crowned the expedition. At least, the army might have rendered the most important service to the cause, by preventing the devastations and inhuman murders, perpetrated by the French and Indians, during the summer, on the western borders of Virginia and Pennsylvania. But, instead of adopting a course so salutary and important, Col. Dunbar, leaving the sick and wounded at Cumberland, marched with his troops to Philadelphia.

Sec. 9. The expedition against Crown Point was led by Gen. William Johnson, a member of the council of New York, and although it failed as to its main object, yet its results diffused exultation through the American colonies, and dispelled the gloom which followed Braddock's defeat.

The army under Johnson, arrived at the south end of Lake George, the latter part of August While here, intelligence was received that a body of the enemy, two thousand in number, had landed at southbay, now Whitehall, under command of Baron Dieskau, and were marching towards Fort Edward, for the purpose of destroying the provisions and military stores there.

At a council of war held on the morning of Sept. 8th, it was resolved to detach a party to intercept the French and save the fort. This party consisted of twelve hundred men, commanded by Col. Ephraim Williams, of Deerfield, Massachusetts. Unfortunately, this detachment was surprised by Dieskau, who was lying in ambush for them. After a most signal slaughter, in which Col. Williams and Hendrick, a renowned Mohawk sachem, and many other officers fell, the detachment was obliged to retreat.

The firing was heard in the camp of Johnson, and as it seemed to approach nearer and nearer, it was naturally conjectured that the English troops were repulsed. The best preparations which the time allowed, were made to receive the advancing foe. Dieskau with his troops soon appeared, and commenced a spirited attack. They were received, however, with so much intrepidity -the cannon and musquetry did so much execution among their ranks, that the enemy retired

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