reforming zeal led him to London and Oxford, where he delivered a course of lectures in theology. Still another was Pietro Bizari of Perugia, an historian and poet who described himself as an exile from Italy his native country by reason of his confession of the doctrine of the Gospel." Michael Angelo Florio, a Florentine Protestant who had come over to England, in addition to being a teacher of Italian, became, in 1550, preacher to the congregation of Italian Protestants in London. This had been established chiefly through the influence of Archbishop Cranmer and Sir William Cecil. The archbishop obtained certain privileges for the members of the congregation, who were to be treated like free denizens, and given permission to reside and do business in London, with as much freedom as native-born Englishmen. The only obligation they were under was to swear fidelity and allegiance. Other requests were granted them from time to time, and many joined the church for worldly reasons. In spite of these advantages, quite a few returned to the Roman service. Florio complained of this to Cecil, then secretary of state, who bade him prepare a list of the apostates' names, which he did. The secretary sent for these, and informed them that, since they were citizens, and in consequence subject to English law, they ought to be punished the same as other Englishmen who heard the mass.1 Florio, whose morals were not of the best, subsequently lost the favor of Cecil, who had before been his friend;

1 Strype, Memorials, p. 343 et seq.

Jerome Zerlito later became the pastor of this church. Its existence for many years is perhaps the best proof of the Italian colony in London. Roger Ascham alluded to it, in condemning the courtiers who went there to hear the language and not for the service; "Italianated Englishmen," he called them,' who were unable to abide the godly Italian church at home and attended it only to listen to the Italian tongue naturally spoken.

The Italian reformers in England prove how onesided any judgment would be, which laid down absolutely the nature of the Italian influence in England, condemning it for the same reasons which once acted on moralists like Ascham. The Italian spiritual nature, though less on the surface than its carnal side, was yet to be found by those who sought it. There were many besides John Colet who felt the Italian influences of piety and austerity.

IV

The Italians of the Renaissance were the first modern people to take note of the traits and characteristics of other nations. Beginning with Poggio and Æneas Sylvius, they recorded at length their impressions of foreign countries. During the sixteenth century a series of deep and accurate studies of national character was written by the Venetian ambassadors, one of whose duties it was to keep their government posted

1 Scholemaster, p. 82.

on the condition of the countries with whom they had diplomatic relations. This had been the custom since the early years of the republic. The Grand Council decreed, in 1268, that all Venetian ambassadors on their return should report in full their proceedings to the signory, being supplied with a clerk to write out the narrative. By degrees it became usual to add descriptions of the country visited, and these were often elaborated at considerable length. The Venetian reports became celebrated as models of what such work should be, and copies were eagerly sought for in other countries as well.1

The Italian accounts of England in the sixteenth century were of several different kinds. Without considering the numerous letters containing information on many subjects, or the sharp but scattered impressions which Bruno recorded in the Supper of Ashes, partial descriptions of England can be found in such diaries as that of the Milanese merchant, who travelled there in 1518,2 and in Jerome Cardan's experiences in the reign of Edward the Sixth; also in Paulus Jovius' and Botero's general histories and geographies.

The Venetian relations, however, were by far the most important. Although diplomatic intercourse, centring mainly on commercial questions, had existed for some time between the two states, yet Andrea Trevisani's embassy to the English court, in 1497, was really the first. During the sixteenth century, the Venetian

1 Cal. St. Pap., Ven., I, xliii et seq.

2 Add. Ms. 24,180, Brit. Mus.

ambassadors in England numbered twenty-three in all. Diplomatic intercourse ceased almost entirely in the reign of Elizabeth, owing to the religious differences.1

The reports of the different ambassadors have many elements in common. The model the writers employed was the same, and they saw things through similar eyes. At the same time the outward panorama was continually changing. For this reason, while each "relation" serves in one way to corroborate the others, it adds also a certain amount of fresh material.

Almost invariably in the sixteenth century the first desire of any one who wished to relate the experiences of his travels was to preface these with a general account of the country he had visited. England was still too remote and distant a nation, and accurate knowledge too scarce, for its physical characteristics not to be of interest. This is scarcely the place, however, to dwell on such matters. The government of the country, the crown revenues, parliament and judiciary can be passed over likewise, although naturally of the greatest interest to the signory for whose benefit these accounts were written. It may briefly be said that the liberties enjoyed by Englishmen and their freedom from oppressive taxes especially impressed the shrewd Italian observer.

Although the English characteristics noticed would be too numerous to mention here, the general impression derived from reading these accounts is one of keen and accurate observation. The religious trans

1 Baschet, Diplomatie Venitienne, p. 106.

formation of the country was naturally of great interest to the intelligent foreigner, and one writer, at least, described in detail the new prayer book of 1549 which made use of the English language, and the new church ceremonies and regulations. England, especially in the first half of the sixteenth century, was passing through a period of transition, and the numerous changes of faith undergone perhaps almost justified one critic's remarks, that the English used religion merely as a cloak; that they believed what the king believed, and if he were to turn Mahometan or Jew, they would follow suit.2

The great effort of the kings of Spain ever since the Reformation had been directed to bringing England back to the Roman faith, accomplishing thereby both a political and a religious end. The military resources of England were consequently a matter of considerable interest, even to states which were neutral. Foreigners' opinions on English soldiers varied considerably, although certain of the traits then noticed still continue to hold true at the present day.

One of the least favorable of military critics was a certain Giovanni Sovico, who had lived many years in England, and gave as his opinion that ten or twelve thousand Spanish or Italian infantry and two thousand cavalry would be sufficient to restore the Catholic religion. Petruccio Ubaldini, who had served in the Scotch war, thought it to be the general impression that if a

3

1 Relazione Ubaldini, f. 93. 2 Relazione Michele, f. 22 et seq. * Arch. Med. Flor., 4185, Letter to Father Panigarola.