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LVI.

CHAP. that such a pretension on their part would tend more than any other cause to rekindle the old 1777. English feeling in the breast of the Americans. Not all men, they knew, are equally flexible; not all equally ready to hail an ancient enemy as a new ally. They, therefore, from the outset, declared that if ever, as was probable, the recognition of the United States should involve their Royal Master in a war with England, he would not ask or expect any compensation for the expense or damage he might sustain on that account. The only condition which he positively required was, that the United States should not give up their independence in any future treaty, nor, under any circumstances, return to their subjection to the British Crown.

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On this basis a negotiation was carried on during several weeks for treaties both of commerce and alliance; the latter treaty to be eventual in its provisions, and to take effect only in case of a rupture between France and England. The first stipulation was, that while the war continued, both parties should make it a common cause, and aid each other as good friends and allies. If the Americans should gain possession of any of the remaining British territories on the continent of North America, such territories should belong to the United States. If the French King should conquer any of the British islands in or near the Gulf of Mexico, they were to be retained by him. The contracting parties invited the accession of other Powers, and

LVI.

expressly agreed that neither of them should con- CHAP. clude a truce or peace with Great Britain without the consent of the other first obtained.

The two treaties of Commerce and Alliance were signed at Paris upon the same day, the 6th of February, by the three Commissioners, Franklin, Deane, and Lee, on the part of America; and by M. Gérard, secretary of the King's Council on the part of France. The latter gentleman was designed as the first French Minister to the United State, but did not embark for his destination till some weeks afterwards. During some weeks, indeed, it was endeavoured to keep the treaties secret, so as to afford further time for the desired accession of Spain an accession which, after all, could not at this period be obtained. During some weeks were accordingly postponed the official announcement of the treaties to the Court of St. James's, and the official presentation of the Commissioners to the Court of Versailles.

1778.

LVII.

1778.

CHAPTER LVII.

CHAP. WHATEVER wish might be felt by the French Ministers to conceal their late negotiation, it did not long remain a secret to the British Ambassador, nor even to the British public. Before the close of January, we find King George agreeing, in his private correspondence with Lord North, that every letter from Paris added to the probability of a speedy declaration of war. Towards the middle of February we may observe Lord North pressed with questions, in the House of Commons, whether a treaty between France and America had not been actually signed. Lord North for some time remained silent: at length he answered, that the conclusion of such a treaty was possible, nay, too probable; but that officially he was not as yet apprised of it.*

No sooner had Parliament met again for business on the 20th of January, than the renewed vigour of

* The King to Lord North, Jan. 31. 1778. Appendix. Parl. Hist. vol. xix. p. 775. Gibbon, in a private letter of the 23rd of February, was able to mention nearly the exact day (the 5th instead of the 6th), on which the treaties had been signed at

LVII.

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Opposition was apparent. The Ministers found CHAP. themselves assailed by many and various adversaries. First came a motion from Sir Philip Jennings Clerke, against raising troops by subscription without consent of Parliament. Next there was an Address to the Crown, proposed by Mr. Burke, against the employment of savages in the American war. Mr. Fox moved: "That no more of the "old corps be sent out of the kingdom." From the same indefatigable orator there proceeded also a renewal of the motion for General Burgoyne's orders and instructions; and a critical commentary on the distribution of our forces in America. All these attacks were borne by Lord North with his usual good humour, and encountered with his usual ability.

There was one point, however, and that point of vital moment, on which, at this period, there was an utter disaccordance among the chiefs of Opposition. Lord Chatham, as we have seen, had declared himself strongly against allowing the independence of America; from that ground he had lately stated that he could not depart; he held it with no less firmness when the French war was impending, with no less firmness when that war had already commenced. Lord Rockingham, on the contrary, had even last Session, in the House of Lords, questioned the possibility, or therefore the prudence, of continuing to withstand the separation of our insurgent colonies; and he was greatly confirmed in his unwillingness when

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CHAP. he saw our ancient rival determined to engage LVII. against us. Before the close of January these two party leaders had come to a written explanation on the subject, each resolutely, though with many civil expressions of regret, adhering to his own opinion.*

Often as of late years they had acted in concert, it seems probable that the Earl and the Marquis continued to look upon each other more as rivals than as friends. But among Rockingham's own nearest followers there were several, and of no slight note, who hoped that the difference was seeming rather than real, and who deemed that at least a trial might be made. "Can you blame "Lord Chatham," said his son-in-law, Lord Mahon, to the Duke of Richmond,-"can you blame "Lord Chatham for desiring to keep the now dis"tracted parts of the empire together, and for

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attempting to prevent such a disgraceful and "fatal dismemberment of this country ?" The Duke answered as follows:-"So far from blaming "Lord Chatham for wishing to prevent this sepa

ration, I highly applaud him for it, if he has any "kind of reason in the world to think that the

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thing can be rendered practicable by any means "whatever. And so desirous am I," added the Duke, "that this may be done, that if Lord Chat

* Of the three letters that passed, the first does not appear to be preserved; the other two are printed in the Chatham Correspondence, vol. iv. pp. 489-493.

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