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was thus embarked in a new sphere, Silas Deane CHAP. was continued at the post which he already filled. It would seem, however, that this gentleman was 1776. by no means most valued where he was best known, since his own State of Connecticut was the only one out of the thirteen that refused to vote for him.* Jefferson had been designed as the third Commissioner, but on his declining the appointment it devolved upon Arthur Lee. The latter, though for some years past he had practised as a barrister in London, was a native of Virginia, and a brother of Richard Henry Lee. Towards the first of November Dr. Franklin set forth on his voyage, not without some apprehensions of being captured by the English; but landed safe in Quiberon Bay, and before the close of the year had arrived at Paris.

Another subject which at this period greatly engaged the time and thoughts of Congress, was the framing Articles of Confederation. It was a requisite and yet by no means an easy task to define precisely which powers, as of national concern, should belong to the central body, and which as of local administration, to the several States. These Articles, as decided after keen debates, were signed and made known at Philadelphia on the 4th of October, but did not become law by the ratification or accession of all the States until nearly three years afterwards. In the mean

* Gordon's History Amer. Rev., vol. ii. p. 372.

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CHAP. while there was no provision for Central Executive Government beyond the majority of Congress and the Standing Committees which the Congress was in the habit of appointing. But such Standing Committees were, in truth, only specious names. This has been clearly explained by a statesman who was himself at the head of three of them; a statesman among the most adroit and able of his day- Mr. Gouverneur Morris. "You must not

imagine," said he to a friend, "that the mem"bers of these Committees took any charge or "burthen of the affairs." For, as Mr. Morris proceeds to show, it was the object of his friends, while preserving the democratical form, to assume the monarchical substance, of business. It was the chairman who received and answered all letters or other applications, who took every step which he deemed essential, who prepared reports, and who issued orders. As for the Committee, the chairman merely from time to time led them into a private chamber, where, for form's sake, he communicated to them his past proceedings and required their approbation, which was given as a matter of course.

Of the men who, thus wielding the Committees as their instruments, or standing forth in the Congress by themselves, held in their hands the reins of power, many were beyond all question well entitled to respect and confidence from their pri

Life of Gouverneur Morris, by Sparks, vol. i. p. 217.

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vate characters. All of them did not, however, CHAP. stand equally clear from imputation. See, for instance, the case of Mr. Samuel Adams. Before the passing of the Stamp Act he had been collector of the rates in the town of Boston, and treasurer of the money so collected. Take the sequel, not in the words of a stranger or an enemy, but as stated by a man of the same town, the same party, the same creed by Dr. William Gordon : "His necessities probably, for he appears to be "addicted to no extravagance, urged him to "supply himself time after time from the cash in "hand. The town had several meetings upon "the business; at length, by the exertion of his friends, a majority was obtained for the relin

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quishment of the demand upon him"* Mr. Samuel Adams appears also to be glanced at in an anonymous hand-bill which, at the commencement of 1775, was circulated through the town of Boston; it contains the expression: "Our leaders "are desperate bankrupts."+ Whatever degree of truth there might or might not be in these charges against Samuel Adams, it is certain that they did not prevent him from attaining considerable influence in Congress. Jefferson says of him,

Hist. Amer. Rev., vol. i. p. 348. On this charge, see a note in my Appendix. In another passage of Gordon's History (p. 288.), the personal appearance of Mr. Samuel Adams is described- "with his venerable grey locks and hands trem"bling under a nervous complaint."

† See the American Archives, vol. i. p. 1216.

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CHAP. that he had a greater share than any other member in advising and directing the conduct of the Northern War.* On several occasions at least, he appears to have borne no good will to Washington, whose character was so far unlike his own; and both his name and influence may be traced in those secret cabals, which, at one time especially, were formed in Congress against that most eminent man.

In tracing the measures of Congress at this juncture, it is to be observed that while most of the Members were warm and zealous in prosecution of the war, there was not wanting a minority inclined to absolute and unconditional submission. So much danger would have been incurred by a manifestation of such views, that we cannot expect to find them in any manner clearly or explicitly avowed. But that such a party did exist at Philadelphia, and that in numbers it was considerable, is recorded by most unimpeachable authority; by the Adjutant-General of the American army, himself a Philadelphian, and connected with all the chief houses of that city.t Few things, indeed, are more remarkable than the lingering attachment to kingly government which may be traced in these insurgent colonies. So strong was this feeling that, even when every hope was relinquished of returning to the sway of King George, there

* Letter to Mr. Wells, May 12. 1819.

† To Mrs. Reed, October 11. 1776. Colonel Reed subjoins; "This letter, my dearest love, is written only for your own "eye."

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were some persons who in their stead turned their CHAP. thoughts to the Pretender- to the Prince Charles of "The Forty-five." Some letters to invite him over, and to assure him of allegiance, were addressed to him from Boston at the very commencement of the contest.* Thus, also, Mr. Washington Irving was assured by Sir Walter Scott, that among the Stuart Papers which Sir Walter had examined at Carlton House, he had found a Memorial to Prince Charles from some adherents in America, dated 1778, and proposing to set up his standard in the back settlements.† These men were not, and could not be, aware of the broken health and degraded habits into which their hero had fallen. They did not, they could not, know the details of his domestic life at Florence. But such was still their reverence for Royalty that they desired to cling to it even where it might be only the shadow of a shade.

All this time the several States were busily employed in new-modelling their own Constitutions. To that course they had been invited by a Reso

* "L'Abbé Fabroni, Recteur de l'Université de Pise, m'a "assuré avoir vu au commencement de la guerre d'Amerique "des lettres des Americains de Boston au Pretendant pour l'engager à aller se mettre à leur tête." (Dutens, Memoires d'un Voyageur, vol. iii. p. 30.)

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Visit to Abbotsford, by Washington Irving, p. 48. This Memorial has now disappeared from its place in the collection, as I learn from Mr. Glover, her Majesty's librarian, who, at my request, in April, 1850, had the kindness to make search among the Stuart Papers of the year 1778, as then preserved in Windsor Castle.

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