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discuss more fully in his written speech. In it,
he should endeavor to show that this was a
presidential war; a war of aggression: that it
was caused by the movement, by the order of
the President, of our troops to the Rio Grande,
into a territory which was not ours, over which,
notwithstanding what had been said by the
gentleman from Texas, (Mr. PILLSBURY,) Texas
had never exercised jurisdiction: that it was
not a war for the redress of grievances; but
that the failure of Mexico to make payment
of indemnities to our citizens, was made the
pretext for commencing the war, for the object
of a permanent acquisition of territory: that
the conduct of this war reflected no honor upon
the Administration; but that it was a war upon
our brave generals, who had shed lustre upon
the arms of our country. He declared himself
in favor of the Wilmot proviso: it was not a
question with the North; they were decided
that no more territory should be acquired, to
be made slave territory. He maintained that
the whole object of the war was the acquisition
of foreign territory, that the South, in all time
to come, might have the control of the Govern-
ment, as had been stated in the public papers
there. The orders to the American army and
navy, to invade and conquer a portion of Mexi-ings of the call be dispensed with.
can territory, and establish political and civil
power therein; the troops sent by Colonel
Stevenson to California, with their families,
implements of agriculture, &c., were evidences
of the fact.

the question of slavery, which, ultimately, and
at no very remote period, in his opinion, would
shake this Union from its centre to its circum-
ference, and terminate in the subversion of
the liberties of the people, and the destruction
of the union of the States.

Mr. THOMASSON opposed the three million
bill, either with or without the Wilmot pro-
viso, and gave his reasons why he voted for it
last year. He then digressed into some dis-
cussion of political topics in general.
Mr. PENDLETON then obtained the floor, and
moved that the committee rise.

The question was put, and no quorum voted. The committee rose, and the Chairman reported that fact to the House.

An additional motive was, to gain or secure political power, regardless of the interests to the country. This is clear, from the course pursued by the Administration and its friends in and out of this House, in regard to the conduct of General Taylor in the war.

This bill (he said) was nothing more or less than one to give the President three millions of dollars as secret-service money, to be used, if the President so please, to fulfil any arrangement he may have made with Santa Anna, when he permitted him to return to Mexico, and assume the command of the Mexican army: that this was giving aid and comfort to the enemy far beyond any thing in the whole Whig party to afford: that this money may, and probably will, be used to bribe and corrupt the authorities of Mexico, both civil and military, to procure a quasi peace: that this was in direct conflict with the purposes of the party in power made heretofore, which were, to conquer a peace;" and not only so, but to revel in the halls of the Montezumas: " that he would not have any agency in furnishing funds for a purpose so profligate and disgraceful. He said we had now a country unoccupied, of an extent sufficient to make several new States: that he was opposed to the purchase of the territory sought by the President, that is, New Mexico and Upper California-an extent of Country greater than the original thirteen States of the Union: that the introduction of this territory into the Union would agitate

The question was put and negatived. The roll being called through, it appeared that fifty-eight members had answered to their names.

The absentees were then called, when it appeared that five other members were presentmaking sixty-three in all.

The doors of the Hall were now closed, and the list of absentees were then again called for excuses; and Messrs. ABBOTT, JOHN Q. ADAMS, BELL, CULVER, DOBBIN, LEWIS, MOKAY, PETTIT, STARKWEATHER, and YOUNG, were severally excused.

During the call of the absentees several motions to suspend the call and to adjourn were made and rejected.

When the absentees were called through, the following order was adopted:

Ordered, That special messengers, to be appointed for that purpose, be sent for the absent members, and that they be taken into custody and brought to the House.

Mr. FARAN moved to suspend the call, and stated that, as a member of the Committee on Accounts, he had been called on to pass upon accounts of the Sergeant-at-Arms for arresting members during the process of calls of the House. It frequently happened, that during the calls of the House the Sergeant-at-Arms arrested members and had them in attendance at the door of the Hall when the call was suspended, which always released members from custody without the payment of the fine, and the House was then called upon to pay it.

Mr. F.'s motion was then put and agreed to, and the call was suspended.

Mr. GEORGE W. JONES moved that the House adjourn. Rejected.

FEBRUARY, 1847.]

War Steamers.

[29TH CONG.

Mr. CоBв moved that the House again resolve Mr. MILLER expressed a hope that the joint itself into Committee of the Whole. Rejected. resolution might be acted on promptly, as the Mr. Cовв then moved that the House ad-managers wished to lay the corner stone on the journ. 22d instant. The question was decided in the negativeyeas 22, nays 36.

Mr. SAWYER inquired of the Chair if it was in order for him to make a speech on the Wilmot proviso?

The CHAIR decided that no speech on any subject would be in order at this time, (no quorum.)

Mr. SAWYER said that he did not think that any gentleman would object to his making a speech, as it would be a rich one.

Another motion to adjourn was then made, and, having been decided in the affirmative, The House, at a very late hour, adjourned.

Mr. CALHOUN submitted to the Senator from New Jersey that it would be regarded as discourteous to the Senator from Missouri, who was not in his seat, to urge the passage of this joint resolution in his absence. That Senator, it would be recollected, had opposed this measure at the last session, and expressed his intention to produce some new facts when it should be again brought forward. As an act of courtesy to the Senator from Missouri, therefore, he moved to lay the joint resolution on the table for the present.

The motion was agreed to-ayes 17, noes 16.

War Steamers.

On motion of Mr. FAIRFIELD, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill to build and equip four additional steamers for the use of the navy of the United States.

Mr. DAYTON requested some information as to the cost of these vessels, and by whom they had been asked for.

IN SENATE. MONDAY, February 15. The Mexican War-Mr. Webster's Resolutions. Mr. WEBSTER rose and said that he proposed to lay upon the table two resolutions respecting the Mexican war. It was not his purpose to Mr. FAIRFIELD said the bill contained but a interfere, by any proposition of his own, with the bill now before the Senate, commonly called single provision, and required no elaborate exthe three million bill, either by way of amend-planation. It rested on the recommendation ment to that bill or otherwise; but he wished, at the proper time, to have an opportunity of addressing the Senate in regard to the existing war, and to say something in favor of the two resolutions he now presented to the Senate. He would therefore offer the resolutions, and ask that they may be laid on the table, until he should call them up. He asked that the resolutions should be read. They were accordingly read by the Secretary as follows:

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of the President in his annual Message, and on that of the Secretary of the Navy. Mr. F. here read extracts from the public documents. He had also received a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, and another from the Chief of the Bureau of Construction, Commodore Warrington; and on the authority of these recommendations, he had been instructed by bill. The necessity of at least one vessel of the Committee on Naval Affairs to report the this description, to be attached to each of our squadrons, must be obvious to every one. Their different ports, for towing vessels in a calm, or utility as a means of communication between when vessels were exposed to a lee shore, or for the transmission of information, was perfectly apparent. The war in which we were now engaged offered another reason. It was true, they might not be ready for service during the war, the termination of which was doubtful; but as a part of our peace establishment, such vessels were necessary. Whether they were to be built for propellers, or not, the bill did not say; it was a subject which the committee did not feel themselves competent to decide. Experiments were going on, the result of which would determine the character of these vessels. Considering the disposition always manifested to put our naval establishment on a proper footing, and the late period of the session, he hoped the bill would pass without delay.

Mr. DAVIS wished to know the expense of the vessels.

Mr. FAIRFIELD. The estimate was $500,000 each.

Mr. HUNTINGTON. Any time suggested when they will be finished?

2D SESS.]

Three Million Bill.

[FEBRUARY, 1847.

Mr. FAIRFIELD. None. The materials are | cost $300,000, little more than half which we not yet determined on.

Mr. DAVIS. What amount does the bill appropriate?

Mr. FAIRFIELD. One million,

Mr. Davis said he had always felt inclined to vote for strengthening our navy. Even if we were in profound peace, and the state of our finances permitted, he would be in favor of these steamers, looking at the extent of our commerce, which finds its way over the whole face of the earth, entering into the markets of all the nations of the world. The use of steam, either for offensive operations or defensive purposes, was important. It had drawn the attention of all commercial nations, and most of the governments of Europe had availed themselves of it. We ought to keep pace with the times, to increase our steam navy, and take every means to obtain greater practical skill in the construction and armament of such vessels. All these considerations would justify this increase even in a state of profound peace. But in the last European journals he saw a new motive for this measure. He believed we had now no squadron, not a single ship in the Mediterranean; and the foreign papers announce that in London there was now an office opened for the sale of letters of marque. The names of three of these vessels were given. They were equipped there for the purpose of cruising against the commerce of the United States. If there was any valuable service in which steamers could be employed, it would be against such vessels striving to assail our commerce on the great highway of nations. They ought now to be ready.

He would not, at this time, go more largely into this subject. But he hoped the bill would be favorably considered, without reference to the war. The state of our finances, it was true, admonished us to be economical, and an appropriation of two millions was a large appropriation. But if they who had the responsibility said they wanted them, he was prepared

to accede to their wishes.

are asked for, and better than any we have. These vessels would be efficient when needed for service. The Governments of Great Britain and France had adopted this principle, and would not have continued it, had it not been found advantageous. Their example was worthy our imitation. This bill, too, would involve an appropriation of two millions, in the midst of a war, and while we were drawing largely on our treasury. They were not assumed to be necessary for the war, and therefore we should pause before we authorize such a large outlay. The President had, in his Message, recommended that no appropriations should be made, but such as were absolutely necessary, and this was a proposition to enlarge our navy for a time of peace. We had gone on, ever since the commencement of the session, making large appropriations, amounting already to many millions, and we were now required to swell the list further. We were going on, he would not say recklessly, but improvidently, in appropriating thus largely while we had a war on hand, and a force of forty thousand men in the field. Every way we were met by expenses. Appropriations were made almost without limit. And what single thing had been done to sustain the country under these heavy expenditures? None in the world. Only a single proposition had been submitted, and that included not more than half the amount appropriated by this bill. It would be acting unwisely to authorize further expenses unless they are necessary for the war.

Mr. CALHOUN expressed his entire concurrence with these views. It was a great point to restrict our appropriations, and to incur no expenditure which could be avoided. If war was to go on, he knew not how we should get through. Yet from the appropriations, day after day, it might be supposed that our treasury was overflowing. He would postpone this appropriation until after the war. He was opposed to it at this time. Mr. FAIRFIELD briefly replied, reiterating his former arguments.

The bill was then read a third time, and

Mr. NILES said his friend from Maine had acted very properly in bringing this bill before the Senate. But he (Mr. N.) did not under-passed stand this increase to be recommended for the purpose of carrying on war. These vessels were advocated on the ground of their convenience. Were we in a different state of things as to finances, and if the other expenses consequent on the war would admit, he might be disposed to favor this bill. But he was inclined to believe that the best way, unless these vessels were essentially necessary for the war, or for a time of peace, would be to adopt the course commenced last session, and encourage the increase of private steamers. In point of economy this was preferable, as they might be employed at half the expense of construction. There was now a steamer, the Washington, nearly ready, which would be, without question, the best steamship afloat. She had

TUESDAY, February 16.

Three Million Bill.

On motion of Mr. SEVIER, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the special order, being the bill making an appropriation of three millions of dollars for the purpose of bringing the existing war with Mexico to a conclusion; with the amendments proposed by the Senator from Georgia and the Senator from Michigan.

Mr. BADGER said that the bill now under consideration proposed to make an appropriation for which, as he did not feel himself prepared to vote, he thought it was proper that he should assign to the Senate the reasons

FEBRUARY, 1847.]

Three Million Bill.

[29TH CONG

He had said that it appeared to him that this action, on the part of the Executive, was first directed towards the control of freedom of discussion and freedom of action in the halls of Congress. Was any proof necessary upon this subject? It appeared to him that the

which would govern him in the course which | relation to the measures of those who, by their he felt compelled to take upon the subject now selection, had been appointed to conduct the before them; and as it seemed to be the gen- affairs of the Government. erally prevailing practice for Senators in the debate upon this bill to give, as far as they deemed proper, an expression of their views in relation to the whole subject of the war, he would follow the example which had thus been set him, and, according to the phrase once fashionable but now somewhat fallen into dis-proof was evident to every Senator. Was there use, define his position, in which he not only a measure introduced here--was there a disdiffered from those gentlemen who occupied cussion that took place here, or that took place the other side of the chamber, but in some in the other branch of Congress, upon a measrespects from those upon his own side. There ure recommended to the two branches of Conwas, however, another subject which it seemed gress, or to either of them, on the part of the to him demanded a preliminary examination. Executive of this country-that it was not at He was fully aware of the responsibility which once made the subject, through the instrumenany member of that body assumed, who under-tality of the Executive press of this city, not took at the present day either to vote or to speak of inquiry, not of argument, not of discussion, against such measures as were pressed upon but of instant and summary condemnation the consideration of Congress by the Execu- towards those who withheld from them their tive Department of this Government; and he support? Had they not, during the whole of thought it would not be a waste of the time of this session, observed that if, under the operathe Senate to draw their attention to what had tion of the peculiar rules which existed in the forced itself upon his mind, as being a system- other branch of the Legislature of this country, atic effort on the part of the Executive Gov- every measure that was desired by the Execuernment of the country to control the freedom tive passed that body almost without discussion of discussion and freedom of action in the Halls and without consideration, it was immediately of Congress; freedom of discussion and free-held up as an example which we were told it dom of action in the Legislatures of the several States of this Union; and still further to reach forward a proposal for arresting all freedom of speech, all discussion among the people of this country upon subjects relating to this war. He proposed to produce for the consideration of the Senate some evidence that, whether he was right or not in the conclusion to which he had come on this subject, it was, at all events, a conclusion founded upon strong probable evidence, and that it presented such an aspect of our affairs as should arrest the attention of the American people, and cause them to institute a strict and earnest inquiry, whether, while the forms of their Government continued to be the same as were handed down by our ancestors, there was not imminent danger that the spirit of those institutions should be entirely transmuted, and that we were no longer to stand before the civilized world as a people really and truly free, possessing here, and possessing everywhere, the right of speech, the right of discussion, the right of consideration in regard to the conduct of our rulers. He had said that the conviction had been forced upon his mind. It had been forced upon it, for it was such a conviction as no American would desire to have, because it presented one branch of that Government which claimed his warmest affections, in an attitude hostile to the best interests of the country, in a position of aggression upon the other departments of the Government, and in a position manifesting a desire to take from the people themselves the first fundamental, indubitable right which belonged to them, as the legitimate sovereigns of this country-the consideration of, and free expression of opinion in

would be wise for us to follow? It was not long ago that they were told that if a day or two days were spent in the discussion of any measure, however important it might be, it was instantly to be reported to the people of this country that Congress were not engaged in the discharge of their proper duties; were not engaged in the duties they owed to the people who sent them here; that they were not engaged, as they ought to be, in passing without debate, a measure proposed to them on the part of the Executive. Not a day-he thought he might say not a day-certainly very few days had passed during this session of Congress, in which one or both branches of the supreme Legislature of the United States had not been exposed to remarks and observations which, to say the least of them, were not very becoming to the source whence they proceeded, and were manifestly calculated (and he presumed therefore clearly designed) to produce upon this body, and upon the other House of Congress, a ready, prompt, unreasoning submission to every demand that was made upon them by the President.

Mr. B., after disposing of these preliminary matters, entered upon the subject of the existing war, and proceeded to demonstrate that the war was commenced by the Executive of the United States. He referred to the Message of the President, wherein was a recital of the act of May 13, 1846, in which it was declared that this war had been brought upon us by Mexico, and proceeded to observe, that notwithstanding this positive declaration, the President himself seemed not very clear on the subject, or else apprehended that those whom he was

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addressing were not altogether convinced that | because the remedy of withholding the supthe proposition as declared was correct. If he plies, that ultima ratio which was never to be had had no misgivings upon the subject, what applied until all others failed in controlling the would have been his course? Why, he would too great extension of executive power, might have stated distinctly, and in direct terms, once produce mischievous consequences; and therefor all, that Mexico had made war upon us; fore, with great respect to the Senator from but it was a remarkable fact, and one which Ohio, he must be permitted to say, that when struck him forcibly upon the reading of the the Senator thanked God he had not voted any Message, that there was scarcely a single por- supplies for this war, he had better reconsider tion of that Message in which the President the source of his thanks, and have voted the alluded to the war, without adding that the supplies which the necessities of the case reHe did not quired, for the benefit of the country, and for war was commenced by Mexico. mean to impute to the President that he meant the preservation of our gallant little army in to assert that which he believed to be false; the perilous position in which they were placed, but what he meant to say was, that if he were and who were entirely guiltless in the matter, really and fully satisfied of the truth of the and have united with us in a solemn declaration proposition, there was no necessity for so fre- of the purposes for which the supplies were quent a repetition of it. Such repetition could granted, and for the purposes for which we only spring, he thought, either from a desire to would not support the war. strengthen one's own convictions, or to remove the incredulity of others. Again: If the President were satisfied of the fact, to what purpose tended his long recital of the grievances and wrongs which Mexico had inflicted upon us? What had they to do with the subject? If Mexico commenced the war, on our part it could only be defensive, and any recitals of reasons which should induce us to go to war were altogether superfluous.

The present Executive would continue to be the head of the Government but for a short term, and beyond that he would have no more connection with the Government than any other citizen. When he did an act, therefore, by which the country was involved in war, by that act he involved others in a war of which he did not himself share any portion of the responsibility. It was the war of the nation. It was a war in which the people of the country were directly interested; and it was a war, therefore, on which we were not at liberty to turn our backs, and say, You have got What was a war, get out of it as you can. Congress to do when the gallant Taylor with his army was placed in a position of peril? What were we to do? Leave our gallant troops in a hostile country to be overpowered, cut in pieces, annihilated, by way of punishing the President of the United States for having brought them into such straits? We have been obliged to recognize the existence of the war, not because we did not understand the wrong which had been committed upon us by the exercise of usurped power on the part of the President, but we felt the wrong the deeper because, in consequence of its commission, we were placed in a position in which duty to our country obliged us to support the war.

But he had voted these supplies for the war. Why? Not because he thought the war was necessary; he thought it was unnecessary. Not because it was commenced by Mexico; he believed it was commenced by the President of the United States. But he had voted the supplies because the interests of his country were at stake in the actual condition of things;

It would then be time enough to consider, if the President should be so unwise as not to submit to the wishes of Congress. If he should go on upon his own authority in controlling the war in such manner as he pleased; if he did this, he for one, would be found side by side with the Senator from Ohio. Not because he would do it willingly. God knows he would do it very unwillingly; but, from the necessity of the case, he would unite with the Senator from Ohio in refusing the supplies; and he would put it to the country, and to the civilized world, to decide whether the disastrous consequences which must follow from such an unsupported war, ought not to be attributed to the obstinate and arbitrary conduct of the Executive, and not to any factious spirit on the part of Congress. These were his general views in regard to the character of the war. These were the reasons upon which he had supported the war; these were the reasons on which he would continue to vote the necessary supplies for carrying on the war, until that state of things arrived to which he had adverted, when it would be seen whether the President would obstinately persist in prosecuting the war, from mistaken views of benefit to the country, or from views of personal ambition; and then he should stand ready to record his vote against surrendering the authority of the representatives of the people of the United States to direct the purposes and objects of a war sanctioned by them in the exercise of a power which the people of the United States had confided to us, and not to the President.

Mr. B. next adverted to the change which had come over this war in the course of the year which had elapsed since its commencement. It was now plainly and clearly a war of conquest, although the President in his Message informed them that the war was not commenced for the purpose of conquest; that it was not intended to be a war of conquest. He did not intend to impeach the sincerity of the President in making this declaration, but according to every notion which he had on the subject, it was clearly and unquestionably a war

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