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to be used by those of the citizens who are in arms. This is the property of the State, and ought to be disposed of to free the State from the debt incurred by its purchase, so far as the proceeds of its sale will have that effect. Information of its deposit ought to be given to this Department, so that it may be recovered and applied to the indebtedness of the State.

The militia of the State has not an organization as efficient as it should be. The Convention, by ordinance, adopted the act of 1859, in place of the Military bill of the last Assembly. It is necessary that there should be a complete organization under the act thus adopted by the Convention. Immediate attention to this duty is demanded by the condition of the country. Yet it is to be the act of the citizens who are willing to form bodies of volunteers.

The State has been invaded by troops from the State of Arkansas, and a large force under Gen. Pillow, of Tennessee, has landed upon the soil of Missouri, notwithstanding the Congress of the Confederate States, in their act declaring war against the United States, expressly excepted Missouri, as a State against which the war was not to be waged.

law, and unworthy the inhabitants of a free Republic. It must of course be expected that the power of the Government will be employed to subject all members of such combinations to the penalties imposed by law.

If those citizens who, at the call of the late Governor, have taken up arms, choose to return voluntarily to their homes to the peaceful pursuit of their occupations, they will find in the present Executive a determination to afford them all the security in his power, and there is no doubt entertained that they will be unmolested.

And now, people of Missouri, may not the hope be entertained that you will afford a cordial coöperation in an attempt to secure the return of peace? But a few months since you were prosperous and happy in the enjoyment of all your rights, civil and political. If you have suffered already great loss, anxiety, and distress-if you live in constant apprehension of coming evil-in uncertainty about all that is future-you can see how terrible are the consequences of a violent attempt to overthrow an established Government, which has heretofore afforded peace, prosperity, protection, and equal rights to all. It is but the part of wisdom to bear evils which are known to be endurable, rather than encounter such as are plainly before this people if peace be not speedrestored.

Gen. Pillow has issued a proclamation, addressed to the people of Missouri, in which he declares that his army comes at the request of the Governor of this State, and says they will help us to expel from our borders the popula-ily tion hostile to our rights and institutions, treating all such as enemies, if found under arms. It remains to be seen whether Gen. Pillow, and other officers of the Confederate States, will continue their endeavor to make Missouri the theatre of war upon the invitation of Gov. Jackson, or of any other person, when such invasion is contrary to the act of the Confederate States, and when the invitation given by the Governor is withdrawn by the people. We have sought to avoid the ravaging our State in this war, and if the military officers of the Confederate States seek to turn the war upon us, upon the mere pretext that they are invited by a State officer to do so, when they know that no officer of the State has authority to give such invitation, then upon them be the consequences, for the sovereignty of Missouri must be protected.

Now, therefore, I, Hamilton R. Gamble, Governor of the State of Missouri, in view of the foregoing facts, do hereby strictly charge and enjoin upon all sheriff's and other magistrates who are conservators of the peace, to use all the powers conferred upon them by law in arresting and bringing to punishment all persons who disturb the public peace, by using violence against any of their fellow-citizens, and especially are you charged to bring to justice all who combine to practise violence against other persons on account of their political opinions; and if force should be employed to resist you in the discharge of your duties to an extent that you cannot overcome by the means provided by law, you are charged to make known that fact to this Department, that proper measures may be taken in such case.

It is enjoined upon all citizens that they perform the duty of giving information of deposits of munitions of war belonging to the State, that they may come to the possession of the State without being captured by the troops of the United States.

There should be, on the part of the people of Missouri, a paramount purpose to preserve the internal peace of their own State, whatever may be the condition of affairs in other States. Our first duties are at home. If there could be a general recognition of this principle, the duty It is further enjoined upon all citizens of suitof preserving peace would be less onerous upon able age to enroll themselves in military organthe magistracy of the State. But all will ad-izations, that they may take part in the defence mit that, however unpleasant it may be, the duty of preserving the peace must be discharged by those upon whom the law imposes it. The means furnished by law are ample, and must be employed.

Combinations to oppress citizens and deprive them of their civil rights, because of any opinions they may hold, are flagrant offences against

of the State.

All citizens who are embodied under the act of the last session of the General Assembly, popularly called the "Military Law," are notified that the law has been abrogated, the troops disbanded, the commissions issued under it, as well as the commission under the act of the same session for the appointment of a Major

General, have been annulled, and all soldiers | and officers are enjoined to cease action in a military capacity.

The officers and their troops belonging to the Confederate States, who have invaded Missouri, are notified that it is against the will of the people of Missouri that they should continue upon the soil of this State, and that their continuance in Missouri will be considered an act of war, designed to bring upon our State the horrors of war, which Missouri desires to avoid. They are therefore notified to depart at once from the State.

Given under my hand as Governor, and under the great seal of the State of Missouri, at Jefferson City, this 3d day of August, 1861.

HAMILTON R. GAMBLE.

Since the Governor's proclamation was written the following despatch has been received: M. OLIVER, Secretary of State.

WASHINGTON, Aug. 3d, 1861.. To His Excellency, H. R. Gamble, Governor of Missouri:-In reply to your message addressed to the President, I am directed to say that if, by a proclamation, you promise security to citizens in arms who voluntarily return to their allegiance and become peaceable and loyal, this Government will cause the promise to be respected. I have the honor to be, &c.,

Doo. 156.

SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War.

MILITARY SITUATION IN MISSOURI. UNDER date of Mexico, (Mo.,) Aug. 3, Brig.Gen. Pope writes a letter to Mr. Isaac H. Sturgeon, of St. Louis, explaining some points in his recent proclamation, which we have already published. After a vivid picture of the disordered condition in which he found affairs upon taking command of his Department, Gen. Pope says:

My first object was to restore peace and safety, so that the forces under my command could be removed from the vicinity of the settlements, and to do this with the least bloodshed, the least distress to quiet persons, and the least exasperation of feeling amongst the people.

Two courses were open to me to effect this desirable result. The first was to put in motion in all parts of this region small bodies of troops, to hunt out the parties in arms against the peace, and follow them to their homes or places of retreat, wherever they may be. This course would have led to frequent and bloody encounters, to searching of houses, and arrests in many cases of innocent persons, and would have only resulted in spreading the apprehension of distress over districts hitherto quiet.

I was, and am satisfied, that the people of the counties in North Missouri are abundantly able to keep peace among themselves, and this is all I ask or exact from them. It is certainly their interests that they should do so.

To spare effusion of blood, destruction of life or property, and harassing and ofttimes indiscriminating outrage upon the people, I have determined to present, if possible, some common inducements to preserve the peace in their own midst.

That common bond was their property always in my power, though the owner was beyond my reach.

I believed, as I do now, that as soon as it was felt that, only by preserving peace and quiet among themselves, and not molesting public or private property, there would immediately result security of person and property, and the power to pursue unmolested their several avocations,-Union men and Secessionists would alike engage in putting a stop to lawless and predatory bands, and that the persons themselves who had joined these armed marauders, would soon cease their forays and abandon their organizations when they discovered that they had no sympathizers at home, and that every act they committed hostile to the peace of the country was a direct blow not only at their own property and safety, but also at that of their own friends and relatives. Certainly loss of property is not to be weighed for a moment with loss of life, or personal liberty, and as I believe firmly that the policy I have adopted will bring peace and quiet to North Missouri, with the least destruction of human life, I intend to enforce it promptly and vigorously in all cases.

Security of property, and the absence of the military, depend simply upon the people of North Missouri keeping the peace among themselve, as in times past, and if they fail to do so, they will be less wise than most of their species.

I have not the slightest disposition to play the tyrant to any man on earth. I only ask the people of North Missouri to keep the peace and respect the rights of others in their own midst, and this I mean to exact from them if I have the power. If they will only do this, as they have done in times past, and can easily do now, they will neither see me nor my command. I sincerely hope that these views may be satisfactory to you, and remain, very truly, yours, &c., JNO. POPE.

I. H. STURGEON, Esq., St. Louis, Mo.

Doc. 157.

PROCLAMATION BY GOV. MAGOFFIN.

AUGUST 3, 1861.

WHEREAS, certain arms belonging to the State of Kentucky, intended for distribution to Home Guards in counties of the First and Second districts, under an allotment made by the Military Board, were lately seized by lawless persons and taken away from their place of deposit in Mayfield; and it being reported to me that a portion of said arms have been distributed among individuals in Fulton County, contrary to

law and the authority of the Military Board, and said Military Board having passed the following order:

MILITARY BOARD, Frankfort, Aug. 1, 1861. On motion of General Dudley, Resolved, That his Excellency, the Governor, be requested to take such steps as he may think best calculated for the recovery of the public arms forcibly taken from Mayfield and carried to Fulton County.

A copy-attest.

P. SWIGERT.

-Now, therefore, I, B. Magoffin, Governor of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, do now issue this, my proclamation, commanding every citizen or other person, within the jurisdiction of this State, having in his possession any arms or munitions thus unlawfully seized as above stated, forthwith to deliver up the same to the judge of the county court of the county in which he resides, to be returned by said judge to the State arsenal at Frankfort; and I make this appeal to the loyalty of such citizens in good faith, believing that they will promptly manifest such a signal poof of their fidelity to the laws and authorities of the State; at the same time warning all concerned that if this order be not promptly obeyed, my duty will require the most rigorous enforcement of the laws against all disobedient offenders.

In testimony whereof, I have here[L. S.] unto set my name, and caused the seal of the Cominonwealth to be affixed. Done at Frankfort, this, the 3d day of August, A. D. 1861, and in the seventieth year of the Commonwealth. By the Governor, B. MAGOFFIN. THOMAS B. MONROE, JR., Secretary of State.

Doo. 158.

| States, and suggesting the importance of having an understanding with regard to several questions connected with the transfer. I have also suggested that, when Tennessee shall have contributed her 25,000 brave volunteers to the

Government, she would be entitled to, and I was confident would receive at the hands of the President, her full proportion of the posts of honor, as well as those of danger, in the field and staff appointments in the army.

I have recommended in general terms the various officers heretofore appointed by me, and insisted upon their reappointment by the President; but have at no time made or thought of making the appointment of any man or set of men a condition precedent to the transfer. So far from it, I have regarded it as a matter of too much importance to the public to allow the interests of any individual to retard it for a moment.

I have an agent now at Richmond for the purpose of conferring with the President and Secretary of War upon all questions that it is deemed important to have understood in making this transfer. I have no doubt they will be settled to the entire satisfaction of the Government and myself in a few days, as they are of a character which need only to be suggested to be settled. This, doubtless, would have been done long since, but for the immense pressure of important duties devolving upon the President. When it is done, the transfer will be properly made.

I shall continue to insist, as well after as before making the transfer, upon having full justice done to the State in the general and staff appointments. I, however, have not at any time doubted the disposition of the President to do ample justice to Tennessee and Tennesseeans by giving position to such as have shown themselves competent and worthy.

THE MILITARY POWER OF TENNESSEE. More than this I shall not ask at his hands.

LETTER FROM GOVERNOR HARRIS.

To the Editors of the Memphis Avalanche:Your editorial of yesterday morning justifies me in asking the use of your columns to correct an error into which a portion of the public press have fallen. That error is in relation to the supposed existence of an issue between the President of the Confederate States and myself as to the terms upon which the Provisional army of Tennessee is to be transferred to the Government of the Confederate States.

There has been no issue whatever, nor the slightest misunderstanding, between that Government or any one of its officers and myself upon that subject.

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Doc. 159.
CONFISCATION ACT.

APPROVED AUGUST 6, 1861.

rectionary purposes.

I have, from the beginning, seen the impor- AN ACT to confiscate property used for insurtance of placing all the military resources and military appropriations of the several States under the control of the Confederate States, and on the 24th of June, and several times since that day, have written to the President calling his attention to the importance of transferring the army of Tennessee to the Confederate

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That if, during the present or any future insurrection against the Government of the United States, after the Presi

Doc. 160.

A PLAN OF SETTLEMENT. THE New York Journal of Commerce suggests the following plan of settlement:

dent of the United States shall have declared, ment of the United States, contrary to the proby proclamation, that the laws of the United visions of this act. States are opposed and the execution thereof obstructed by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the marshals by law, any person or persons, his, her, or their agent, attorney, or employee, shall purchase or acquire, sell or give, any property of whatsoever kind or description, with intent to use or employ the same, or suffer the same to be used or employed, in aiding, abetting, or promoting such insurrection or resistance to the laws, or any person or persons engaged therein; or if any person or persons, being the owner or owners of any such property, shall knowingly use or employ, or consent to the use or employment of the same as aforesaid, all such property is hereby declared to be lawful subject of prize and capture wherever found; and it shall be the duty of the President of the United States to cause the same to be seized, confiscated, and condemned.

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That such prizes and capture shall be condemned in the district or circuit court of the United States having jurisdiction of the amount, or in admiralty in any district in which the same may be seized, or into which they be taken and proceedings first instituted.

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the Attorney-General, or any district attorney of the United States in which said property may at the time be, may institute the proceedings of condemnation, and in such case they shall be wholly for the benefit of the United States; or any person may file an information with such attorney, in which case the proceedings shall be for the use of such informer and the United States in equal parts.

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To return to the question of our interrogator: Without knowing or being particularly anxious to know what was his object in asking it, we can devise a way by which our troubles can be settled without more bloodshed:" a way, too, which we deem far more honorable and Christian, as well as far more politic and humane, than this wholesale butchery of brethren and kindred, under the plea of enforcing the laws. It is as follows.

1. Let an armistice be agreed on between the two belligerents for three months.

2. Let the Executives of the two powers, by means of Envoys, arrange for a Convention of delegates from each of the thirty-four States now or lately composing the American Union,

said Convention to be held at Louisville, Ky., at such date as may be agreed on; it being understood that the clection and sending of such delegates shall in no way prejudice the claims of either of the belligerents, in case the Convention should fail to come to any peaceful arrangement.

3. The business of the Convention should be to devise, if practicable, some plan of reunion under a modified constitution, such as they may agree upon, whereby all the thirty-four States can cooperate with each other for the common defence against foreign invaders;for mutual free trade between themselves,for uniform duties upon imports from foreign countries,-for a common post-office and mail system, &c., &c.

4. If a reconstruction should be found impossible, then arrange for a peaceable separation and a pro rata division of the common property, with reciprocal treaties of amity, commerce, mails, &c.

5. In case of a reconstruction, we take it for granted that the individual States, as such, must have more rights and immunities than they have under the present Constitution. They must at least be independent of each other as to all local institutions and interests, especially in the matter of slavery. At those points where the present machinery chafes, there must be an easing off, so that it may run more smoothly hereafter.

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That whenever hereafter, during the present insurrection against the Government of the United States, any person claimed to be held to labor or service under the law of any State shall be required or permitted by the person to whom such labor or service is claimed to be due, or by the lawful agent of such person, to take up arms against the United States, or shall be required or permitted by the person to whom such labor or service is claimed to be due, or his lawful agent, to work or to be employed in or upon any fort, navy-yard, dock, armory, ship, intrenchment, or in any military or naval service whatsoever, against the Government and lawful authority of the United States, then and in every such case the person to whom such labor or service is claimed to be due shall for- 6. The same end might be answered by havfeit his claim to such labor, any law of the ing two Sections in each of the two Houses of State or of the United States to the contrary Congress; one to be called the Northern Secnotwithstanding. And whenever thereafter the tion, and the other the Southern; and no bill person claiming such labor or service shall seek to become a law unless concurred in by a mato enforce his claim, it shall be a full and suffi-jority of each Section of both Houses. This cient answer to such claim that the person whose service or labor is claimed had been employed in hostile service against the Govern

would retard legislation on some subjects, but it would afford the South (which is a decided minority as compared with the North, and will

7. Whatever plan, either of reconstruction or separation, might be adopted by the Convention, should only become binding upon the States, after being ratified by three-fourths of the eleven Confederate States, and also by three-fourths of the twenty-three United States. 8. The suppression of hostilities for three months, and the turning of men's thoughts to plans for mutual benefit instead of mutual destruction, would be almost sure to open the eyes of both sections of the country to the enormous wickedness of the war, on one side or on both, and to result in its speedy termination. This alone would be a great point gained, and would probably lead to a satisfactory arrangement of the main question at no distant day.

-N. Y. Journal of Commerce, August 3.

become more so from year to year) a guaran- | particular importance, unless it be the souring tee that their peculiar interests would not be of a large portion of the rations, which rensacrificed to sectional prejudices or fanaticism. dered them unfit for use, and much embarrassed Perhaps it might be sufficient to have a North- the remainder of the journey. During the ern and a Southern Section in only one House, night they lay at anchor off Watt's Island, and leaving the other as it is at present. very early in the morning proceeded to the mouth of Pocomoke River, which empties into Pocomoke Sound. In two launches, each bearing fifty men, and one of them a 32-pound howitzer, they landed at Fletcher's wharf at five o'clock Thursday morning. A company of the Roanoke Rifles, who were drilling at the time of the approach of the expedition, were frightened and fled in consternation to the woods and fields in the rear of the house near the wharf, which subsequently proved to be the head-quarters of the company. The crews of the boats immediately effected a landing and pursued the retreating rebels a short distance. They then proceeded to search the house, and found a negro, who at first refused to give any information. After some threats, however, he acknowledged that the building was used as the head-quarters of a detachment of the Roanoke Rifles, and that two or three times a week they were accustomed to meet there for drill; that the captain of the company was James Fletcher, the owner of the place; that the first-lieutenant was a Mr. Crossly, who owned a house very near, and which was searched by our troops. In their search they also found Crossly's uniform. It was brought back, together with one of the rebel guns, as a trophy, by Capt. White. In the barn they found five boxes, recently emptied of rifles, also several from which uniforms had been taken. It is only just to say that the boxes were marked "from M. Goldsmith & Co., Chestnut street, Philadelphia." There was also an order found for assembling the Roanoke Rifles last Tuesday, together with a number of copies of Gilliam's "School of Tacties," military books, papers, &c. A large quantity of oats, corn, and bacon was also stored in the barn. The bacon the soldiers were especially desirous of taking. This, Captain Crosby refused to permit, though his men had subsisted on a single ration for forty-eight hours.

Doo. 161.

EXPEDITION TO THE POCOMOKE.
A LETTER from Fortress Monroe, dated
August 3, gives the following account of this
expedition:

A secret expedition consisting of tugs Fanny, Fanny Cadwallader, and Adriatic, two launches and two batteaux, manned by forty of the Naval Brigade, and bearing companies A, F and C, (Captains White, Winchester, and Louther,) of the Tenth regiment, left the fortress Wednesday morning, July 31. Their destination, and the time of their absence even, so far as possible, were kept profoundly secret. The fact that three days' rations were taken, afforded the only clue that could be obtained in regard

to the matter.

A portion of the expedition returned last evening for more provisions, and on their way out, met the remainder which arrived here this morning. From one of the officers I have full details. The expedition had one rifled 32-pounder, which, as will be seen, did excellent execution under the direction of Lieut. Tillotson, of the Naval Brigade, to whom belongs a high meed of praise for the coolness and accuracy with which he served the gun. The soldiers were armed with muskets. Four of the officers had rifles, and whenever they used them threw lead and consternation among the ranks of the rebels. The whole affair was in charge of Capt. Crosby, U. S. A.

The object of the excursion was to seize arms and rifled cannon said to be in conveyance from Accomac County to the rebels, in spite of the blockade, and to see if any important defence had been erected by the rebels, as reported. Leaving the fortress quite early Wednesday morning, the fleet cruised during the day up the bay, without meeting with any incident of

The next visit was to the sutler's. Here they found a number of glasses, which the officers had evidently just left in their hasty retreat. A portion of the glasses were partly filled with liquors, and a large quantity was found inside. There was a general stock of provisions, boots, shoes, and dry goods inside, not any of which the soldiers were permitted to touch by Capt. Crosby. Their hunger, though, finally betrayed them into the taking of some eggs and gingerbread, which when Capt. C. discovered, he compelled them to pay seven dollars as a remuneration. His conduct received much censure from those who accompanied him in these things, and the idea of a company of half-starved Federal troops being compelled to put their hardearned dimes into secession coffers in return for the necessities of life, when they were in the very head-quarters of the enemy, is certainly

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