tain Archibald Kennedy,1 of the Royal Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been some error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. A wager ensued between the two captains, to be decided when there should be sufficient wind: Kennedy, therefore examined the log-line, and being satisfied with it, he determined to throw the log himself. Some days after when the wind was very fair and fresh, and the captain of the packet (Lutwidge) said, he believed she then went at the rate of thirteen knots; Kennedy made the experiment, and owned his wager lost. The foregoing fact I give for the sake of the following observation: it has been remarked as an imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it can never be known till she is tried, whether a new ship will, or will not be a good sailer; for that the model of a good sailing ship has been exactly followed in a new one, which has been proved on the contrary remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may partly be occasioned by the different opinions of seamen respecting the modes of loading, rigging, and sailing of a ship; each has his method, and the same vessel laden by the method and orders of one captain, shall sail worse than when by the orders of another. Besides, it scarce ever happens that a ship is formed, fitted for the sea, and sailed by the same person; one man builds the hull, another riggs her, a third loads and sails her. No one of these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others, and therefore cannot draw just conclusions from a combination of the whole. Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have often observed different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive watches, the wind being the same. One would have the sails trimmed sharper or flatter than another, so that they seemed to have no certain rule to govern by. Yet I think a set of experiments might be instituted, first to determine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing next the best dimensions and properest place for the masts; then the form and quantity of sails, and their position as the winds may be; and lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an age of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combined would be of great use.

We were several times chased in our passage, but outsailed every thing; and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good observation, and the Captain judged himself so near our port, (Falmouth) that if we made a good run in the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbour in the morning; and by running in the night

might escape the notice of the enemy's privateers, who often cruised near the entrance of the Channel. Accordingly all the sail was set that we could possibly carry, and the wind being very fresh and fair, we stood right before it, and made great way. The Captain, after his observation, shaped his course, as he thought, so as to pass. wide of the Scilly Rocks; but it seems there is sometimes a strong current setting. up St. George's Channel, which formerly caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley. Shovel's squadron (in 1707): this was probably also the cause of what happened to us. We had a watchman placed in the bow, to whom they often called, "Look well out before there;" and he as often answered, aye, aye; but perhaps had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the time; they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically; for he did not see a light just before us, which had been hid by the studding sails from the man at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of the ship was discovered, and occasioned a great alarm, we being very near it; the light appearing to me as large as a cart wheel. It was midnight, and our Captain fast asleep; but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we avoided shipwreck, for we were running fast on the rocks on which the light was erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with the utility of light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the building some of them in America, if I should live to return. thither.

In the morning it was found by the soundings, &c. that we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight. About nine o'clock the fog began to rise, and seemed to be lifted up from the water, like the curtain of a theatre, discovering underneath the town of Falmouth, the vessels in the harbour, and the fields that surround it. This was a pleasing spectacle to those who had been long without any other prospect than the uniform view of a vacant ocean! and it gave us the more pleasure, as we were now free from the anxieties which had arisen. 1

1

In a letter from Dr. Franklin to his wife, dated at Falmouth, the 17th July, 1757, after giving her a similar account of his voyage, escape, and landing; he adds, "The bell ringing for church, we went thither immediately, and with hearts full of gratitude, returned sincere thanks to God for the mercies we had received: were I a Roman Catholic, perhaps I should on this occasion vow to build a chapel to some saint; but as I am not, if I were to vow at all, it should be to build a light-house."

I set out immediately, with my son, ' for London, and we only stopped a little by the way to view Stonehenge, on Salisbury Plain; and Lord Pembroke's house and gardens, with the very curious antiquities at Wilton.

We arrived in London, the 27th July, 1757.

William Franklin, afterwards Governor of New-Jersey.

END OF PART II.

PART III.

That profound observer of men and manners, Lord Bacon, hath observed on the advantages of Biographical writing over other branches of Historical composition, that "History of times representeth the magnitude of actions, and the public faces or deportments of persons, and passeth over in silence the smaller passages and motions of, men and matters. But such being the workmanship of God, as he doth hang the greatest weights upon the smallest wires, maxima è minimis suspendens; it comes therefore to pass, that such histories do rather set forth the pomp of business, than the true and inward resorts thereof. But Lives if they be well written, propounding to themselves a person to represent, in whom actions both greater and smaller, public and private, have a commixture, must of necessity contain a more true, native and lively representation." Of the truth of this sagacious remark, a more convincing evidence can hardly be adduced than the Memoirs which Dr. Franklin hath left of himself; and the reader has to lament, that when the author resumed his narrative, at the request of some intelligent friends, he did it under the inconvenience of public business, and at a distance from his papers; but the greatest matter of regret is, that he did not bring the history of his own times down through the stormy and eventful period in which he made so conspicuous a figure, near to the close of his illustrious and exemplary Great light and much curious and interesting information respecting the same, may however be collected from his "Private and Political Correspondence," forming a sequel to these Memoirs.

career.

The necessity of pursuing the narration with chronological precision is obvious and imperative, but the only matter for concern is the indispensable obligation of changing the style of the relation from the dignity of the first person, which diffuses exquisite beauty and gives peculiar enegry to the preceding parts of the history. This however will in some instances be avoided, Dr. Franklin having left, (written by himself) several separate relations of events, or circumstances in which he was particularly concerned; these, together with some of his letters, elucidating similar objects, will be inserted (in his own language) in their proper places; which he probably would

himself have done, had he lived to complete the Narrative of his Life. Where however this resource is wanting, all that remains to be done is to adhere scrupulously to the verity of facts and to the evidence of authorities; with as close an attention to the simplicity of the preceding pages as may be, without falling into the error of servile imitation.

It will be proper here to enter into some detail on the state of Pennsylvania, at the period when the voyage to England took place, of which an account is given at the close of the last part of the Author's own Memoir; because as he was obliged to trust solely to his memory, some slight inaccuracies escaped him that would otherwise have been avoided.

In January 1757, the House of Assembly voted a bill for granting to his majesty the sum of one hundred thousand pounds by a tax on all the estates, real and personal, and taxables, within the province; but on submitting it to Governor Denny for his sanction, he refused it in a message, which among other remarkable observations, contained the following avowal of his subservience to the Penn family. "The proprietaries are willing their estates should be taxed in the manner that appears to them to be reasonable and agreeable to the Land Tax Acts of Parliament in our mother country. I am not inclined to enter into any dispute with you on the subject, since it cannot be decided on this side the water; nor can I see what good end it can answer, as the proprietaries have positively enjoined me not to pass any bill that is against their instruction. As his Majesty's service, and the defence of this province, render it necessary to raise immediate supplies, I must earnestly recommend it to you to frame such a bill as it is in my power to pass, consistent with my honour and my engagements to the proprietaries, which I am persuaded you will not desire me to violate. I have some amendments to propose to particular parts of the bill now before me, which I shall communicate to you, as soon as I know whether you determine to prepare a new bill, free from the objection I have above mentioned." Upon this the House of Assembly came to a resolution which was digested in the form of a remonstrance, by Mr. Franklin, as the internal evidence of the language plainly demonstrates. It was as follows:

"The representatives of the freemen of Pennsylvania, in general assembly met, do hereby humbly remonstrate to your honour, that the proprietaries' professed willingness to be taxed, mentioned by your honour, in your message of Tuesday last, can be intended only to amuse and deceive their superiors; since they have in their instructions excepted all their quit-rents, located unimproved lands, purchase