tained that they were at all times willing and ready to support their rights and repel an invasion by the enemy.

The commissioners of Massachusetts have urged, in compliance with their instructions, the payment of so much of their claim as applies to the services rendered to the fifth division, which have been audited, and I should have no hesitation in admitting it if I did not think, under all the circumstances of the case, that the claim in all its parts was cognizable by Congress alone. The period at which the constitutional difficulty was raised by the executive of the state was in the highest degree important, as was the tendency of the principle for which it contended, and which was adhered to during the war. The public mind throughout the Union was much excited by that occurrence, and great solicitude was felt as to its consequences. The executive of the United States was bound to maintain, and did maintain a just construction of the constitution; in doing which, it is gratifying to recollect that the most friendly feelings were cherished toward their brethren of that state. The executive of the state was warned, in the correspondence which then took place, of the light in which its conduct was viewed, and of the effect it would have, so far as related to the right of the executive of the United States, on any claim which might afterward be presented by the state to compensation for such services. Under these circumstances, the power of the executive of the United States to settle any portion of this claim seems to be precluded. It seems proper, also, that this claim should be decided on full investigation before the public, that the principle on which it is decided may be thoroughly understood by our fellow-citizens of every state, which can be done by Congress alone; who alone, also, possess the power to pass the laws which may be necessary to carry such decision into effect.

In submitting this subject to the calm and enlightened judgment of Congress, I do it with peculiar satisfaction, from a knowledge that you are now placed, by the course of events, in a situation which will enable you to adopt such measures as will not only comport with the sound principles of our government, but likewise be conducive to further the highest interests of our Union. By the renunciation of the principle maintained by the then executive of Massachusetts, as has been done by its present executive and both branches of the legislature, in the most formal manner, and in accord with the sentiments of the great body of the people, the constitution is restored in a very important feature-that connected with the public defence and in the most important branch, that of the militia, to its native strength. It is very gratifying to know that this renunciation has been produced by the regular, orderly, and pacific operation of our republican system, whereby those who were in the right at the moment of difficulty, and who sustained the government with great firmness, have daily gained strength until this result was accomplished. The points on which you will have to decide are, what is fairly due for the services which were actually rendered? By what means shall we contribute most to cement the Union and give the greatest support to our most excellent constitution? In seeking each object separately we are led to the same result. All that can be claimed by our fellow-citizens of Massachusetts is, that the constitutional objection be waived, and that they be placed on the same footing with their brethren in the other states-that regarding the services rendered by the militia of other states, for which compensation has been made, giving to the rule the most liberal construction, like compensation be made for similar services rendered by the militia of that state.

I have been led to conclude, on great consideration, that the principles of justice, as well as a due regard for the great interests of our Union, require that this claim, in the extent proposed, should be acceded to. Essential service was rendered, in the late war, by the militia of Massachusetts, and with the most patriotic motives. It seems just, therefore, that they should be compensated for such services, in like manner with the militia of other states. The constitutional difficulty did not originate with them, and has now been removed. It comports with our system to look to the service rendered and to the intention with which it was rendered, and to award the compensation accordingly, especially as it may now be done without the sacrifice of principle. The motive, in this instance, is the stronger, because well satisfied I am, that by so doing we shall give the most effectual support to our republican institutions. No latent cause of discontent will be left behind. The great body of the people will be gratified, and even those who now survive, who were then in error, can not fail to see with interest and satisfaction this distressing occurrence thus happily terminated. I therefore consider it my duty to recommend it to Congress to make provision for the settlement of the claim of Massachusetts for services rendered in the late war by the militia of the state, in conformity with the rules which have governed in the settlement of the claims for services rendered by the militia of the other states.

EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 7, 1824.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :THE view which I have now to present to you, of our affairs, foreign and domestic, realizes the most sanguine anticipations which have been entertained of the public prosperity. If we look to the whole, our growth as a nation continues to be rapid beyond example; if to the states which compose it, the same gratifying spectacle is exhibited. Our expansion over the vast territory within our limits has been great, without indicating any decline in those sections from which the emigration has been most conspicuous. We have daily gained strength by a native population in every quarter-a population devoted to our happy system of government, and cherishing the bond of Union with fraternal affection. Experience has already shown, that the difference of climate and of industry, proceeding from that cause, inseparable from such vast domains, and which, under other systems, might have a repulsive tendency, can not fail to produce with us, under wise regulations, the opposite effect. What one portion. wants the other may supply, and this will be most sensibly felt by the parts most distant from each other; forming, thereby, a domestic market, and an active intercourse between the extremes and throughout every portion of our Union. Thus, by a happy distribution of power between the national and state governments, governments which rest exclusively on the sovereignty of the people and are fully adequate to the great purposes for which they were respectively instituted, causes which might otherwise lead to dismemberment operate powerfully to draw us closer together. In every other circumstances, a correct view of the actual state of our Union must be equally gratifying to our constituents. Our relations with foreign

powers are of a friendly character, although certain interesting differences remain unsettled with some. Our revenue, under the mild system of impost and tonnage, continues to be adequate to all the purposes of the government. Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation, flourish. Our fortifications are advancing, in the degree authorized by existing appropriations, to maturity, and due progress is made in the augmentation of the navy to the limit prescribed for it by law. For these blessings we owe to Almighty God, from whom we derive them, and with profound reverence, our most grateful and unceasing acknowledgments.

In adverting to our relations with foreign powers, which are always an object of the highest importance, I have to remark, that of the subjects which have been brought into discussion with them during the present administration, some have been satisfactorily terminated, others have been suspended to be resumed hereafter under circumstances more favorable to success, and others are still in negotiation, with the hope that they may be adjusted with mutual accommodation to the interests and to the satisfaction of the respective parties. It has been the invariable object of this government to cherish the most friendly relations with every power, and on principles and conditions which might make them permanent. A systematic effort has been made to place our commerce with each power on a footing of perfect reciprocity; to settle with each, in a spirit of candor and liberality, all existing differences, and to anticipate and remove, so far as it might be practicable, all causes of future variance.

It having been stipulated by the same article of the convention of navigation and commerce, which was concluded on the 24th of June, 1822, between the United States and France, that the said convention should continue in force for two years, from the 1st of October of that year, and for an indefinite term afterward, unless one of the parties should declare its intention to renounce it, in which event it should cease to operate at the end of six months from such declaration; and no such intention having been announced, the convention having been found advantageous to both parties, it has since remained, and still remains, in full force. At the time when that convention was concluded, many interesting subjects were unsettled, and particularly our claims to indemnity for spoliations which were committed on our commerce in the late wars. For these interests and claims it was in the contemplation of the parties to make provision, at a subsequent day, by a more comprehensive and definitive treaty. The object has been duly attended to since by the executive, but as yet it has not been accomplished. It is hoped that a favorable opportunity will present itself for opening a negotiation which may embrace and arrange all existing differences, and every other concern in which they have a common interest, upon the accession of the present king of France, an event which has occurred since the close of the last session of Congress.

With Great Britain our commercial intercourse rests on the same footing that it did at the last session. By the convention of 1815, the commerce between the United States and the British dominions in Europe and the East Indies was arranged on the principle of reciprocity. That convention was confirmed and continued in force, with slight exceptions, by a subsequent treaty, for the term of ten years from the 20th of October, 1818, the date of the latter. The trade with the British colonies in the West Indies has not as yet been arranged, by treaty or otherwise, to our satisfaction. An approach to that result has been made by legislative acts, whereby many serious impediments which had been raised by the parties in defence

of their respective claims were removed. An earnest desire exists, and has been manifested on the part of this government, to place the commerce with the colonies, likewise, on a footing of reciprocal advantage, and it is hoped that the British government, seeing the justice of the proposal, and its importance to the colonies, will ere long accede to it.

The commissioners who were appointed for the adjustment of the boundary between the territories of the United States and those of Great Britain, specified in the fifth article of the treaty of Ghent, having disagreed in their decision, and both governments having agreed to establish that boundary, by amicable negotiation between them, it is hoped that it may be satisfactorily adjusted in that mode. The boundary specified by the sixth article has been established by the decision of the commissioners. From the progress made in that provided for by the seventh, according to a report recently received, there is good cause to presume that it will be settled in the course of the ensuing year.

It is a cause of serious regret that no arrangement has yet been finally concluded between the two governments, to secure, by joint co-operation, the suppression of the slave-trade. It was the object of the British government, in the early stages of the negotiation, to adopt a plan for the suppression, which should include the concession of a mutual right of search, by the ships-of-war of each party, of the vessels of the other for suspected offenders. This was objected to by this government, on the principle that, as the right of search was the right of war of a belligerent toward a neutral power, it might have an ill effect to extend it by treaty, to an offence which had been made comparatively mild, to a time of peace. Anxious, however, for the suppression of this trade, it was thought advisable, in compliance with a resolution of the house of representatives, founded on an act of Congress, to propose to the British government an expedient which should be free from that objection, and more effectual for the object, by making it piratical. In that mode, the enormity of the crime would place the offenders out of the protection of their government, and involve no question of search, or other question, between the parties, touching their respective rights. It was believed, also, that it would completely suppress the trade in the vessels of both the parties, and by their respec tive citizens and subjects in those of other powers, with whom, it was hoped, that the odium which would thereby be attached to it would produce a corresponding arrangement, and by means thereof, its entire extirpation for ever. A convention to this effect was concluded and signed in London, on the thirteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-four, by plenipotentiaries duly authorized by both governments, to the ratification of which certain obstacles have arisen which are not yet entirely removed. The differences between the parties still remaining have been reduced to a point not of sufficient magnitude, as is presumed, to be permitted to defeat an object so near to the hearts of both nations, and so desirable to the friends of humanity throughout the world. As objections, however, to the principle recommended by the house of representatives, or at least to the consequences inseparable from it, and which are understood to apply to the law, have been raised; which may deserve a reconsideration of the whole subject, I have thought it proper to suspend the conclusion of a new convention until the definitive sentiments of Congress may be ascertained. The documents relating to the negotiation are with that intent submitted to your consideration.

Our commerce with Sweden has been placed on a footing of perfect

reciprocity by treaty, and with Russia, the Netherlands, Prussia, the free Hanseatic cities, the dukedom of Oldenburg, and Sardinia, by internal regulations on each side, founded on mutual agreement between the re spective governments.

The principles upon which the commercial policy of the United States is founded are to be traced to an early period. They are essentially connected with those upon which their independence was declared, and owe their origin to the enlightened men who took the lead in our affairs at that important epoch. They are developed in their first treaty of commerce with France, of the 6th of February, 1778, and by a formal commission which was instituted immediately after the conclusion of their revolutionary struggle, for the purpose of negotiating treaties of commerce with every European power. The first treaty of the United States with Prussia, which was negotiated by that commission, affords a signal illustration of those principles. The act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1815, adopted immediately after the return of a general peace, was a new overture to foreign nations to establish our commercial relations with them on the basis of free and equal reciprocity. That principle has pervaded all the acts of Congress and all the negotiations of the executive on the subject since.

A convention for the settlement of important questions in relation to the northwest coast of this continent and its adjoining seas, was concluded and signed at St. Petersburgh, on the 5th day of April last, by the minister plenipotentiary of the United States and plenipotentiaries of the imperial government of Russia. It will immediately be laid before the senate, for the exercise of the constitutional authority of that body with reference to its ratification. It is proper to add, that the manner in which this nego tiation was invited and conducted on the part of the emperor has been very satisfactory.

The great and extraordinary changes which have happened in the governments of Spain and Portugal, within the last two years, without seriously affecting the friendly relations which, under all of them, have been maintained with those powers by the United States, have been obstacles to the adjustment of the particular subjects of discussion which have arisen with each. A resolution of the senate, adopted at their last session, called for information as to the effect produced upon our relations with Spain, by the recognition, on the part of the United States, of the independent South American governments. The papers containing that information are now communicated to Congress.

A chargé d'affaires has been received from the independent government of Brazil. That country, heretofore a colonial possession of Portugal, had some years since been proclaimed by the sovereign of Portugal himself an independent kingdom. Since his return to Lisbon, a revolution in Brazil has established a new government there, with an imperial title, at the head of which is placed a prince, in whom the regency has been vested by the king at the time of his departure. There is reason to expect that, by amicable negotiation, the independence of Brazil will, ere long, be recognised by Portugal herself.

With the remaining powers of Europe, with those on the coast of Barbary, and with all the new South American states, our relations are of a friendly character. We have ministers plenipotentiary residing with the republics of Colombia and Chili, and have received ministers of the same rank from Colombia, Guatimala, Buenos Ayres, and Mexico. Our commercial relations with all those states are mutually beneficial and increas