that generous humanity which characterizes them, have taken a very active share; yet perhaps have not always aided in tempering the zeal of the party with discretion.

From these causes it resulted that both the leading political parties opposed in a determined manner the abolition movement. Its votaries were excluded from every office of power or emolument; and congress in particular was decidedly against them. The right of petition had been fully sanctioned by the constitution; which Story considers as even superfluous, since without it no freedom could be conceived to exist. Yet it was denied to the abolitionists, and resolutions were passed to receive none coming from that quarter. We are sorry to add that they themselves are not at all improving in discretion. Lest they should omit any error by which a good cause could be injured, they have mixed it up with others of a very equivocal and certainly irrelevant character. Some seek the emancipation of the whole human race to the extent of their being subject to no law or government whatever; others stand up for the complete equality of the sexes, and will receive no coadjutors who do not admit this principle in its fullest extent. In these circumstances all combined action is for the present suspended, or at least greatly impeded. It is very positively asserted that the cause continues to make progress in the public mind, and to gain converts; but it must evidently assume a different shape, and get into other hands, before it can have any chance of success.

We must here do justice to another branch of the society's exertions,—that by which they have sought to elevate the free negroes. They have studiously supplied them with schools and other means of instruction, have sought to form habits of industry and provide suitable employment for them, and have not even hesitated to associate with them both in public and private as fellowcreatures. This last particular has excited the most violent clamour, and was even alleged as one ground for the burning of the Pennsylvania hall. They assert, and

seemingly with truth, that they have done a good deal to improve this unfortunate race, and mitigate the proscription against them.

Something must here be said of the Colonization Society, which, as already observed, transports free or emancipated negroes to Africa, thus relieving the hardships endured by them in the States, and paving the way for the civilisation of that continent. It originated in good feelings and motives, and when there was no thought of emancipation. So far as relates to Africa, we believe that if cautiously conducted on a small scale it may produce happy effects. We would anxiously remind its supporters, however, that the usual result of colonization has been injurious and even fatal to the native race. When Mr Everett and President Tyler boast of it as similar to the landing of the pilgrims in New England, they forget that the issue of that event was not to improve, but to exterminate or expel the whole race of native Indians. Africa, comparatively, is much more densely peopled; an attempt therefore to find room there for the whole slave or even free coloured population could not be made without bloody and disastrous conflicts.

Our present object, however, is to consider the effects produced by the society in America. There it is held by the pro-slavery party as a complete provision for the whole negro race both free and in bondage, and as dispensing with any other step for the mitigation or ultimate abolition of slavery. Under this view we cannot hesitate to consider it a perfect delusion. De Tocqueville has clearly proved that any number which could be practicably transported would never even sensibly arrest the rapid increase of the coloured race; and we must agree with Dr Channing, that an attempt might as well be made to drain the Atlantic. But suppose it were perfectly practicable, let us ask, are those vast and fruitful regions to be reconverted into deserts? Can any one believe that the planters seriously intend to denude themselves of a labouring population, and to undertake

with their own hands the culture of sugar and cotton under the burning suns of Louisiana and Alabama? In fact, though such language is sometimes held before the public, between themselves a very different tone is used. At the great meeting of the Virginian branch of the society, Mr Wise, called up and applauded as an oracle, declared his full understanding of the great original principles of the design having been to secure and fortify the institution of slavery itself; and one of the resolutions unanimously passed considers "the principle of African colonization as best responding to the demands of southern patriotism and benevolence, and offering to the temperate wisdom of all parties and every section a common ground of resistance against the mischievous and reckless enterprises of abolition." Whatever, then, be the tendency of the institution, it is in no degree either designed or calculated to mitigate or abolish internal slavery.

ter.

From what has been said, the future prospects of the abolition cause must appear involved in very considerable obscurity. Generally speaking, it seems impossible that the system of slavery, so contrary to the improved spirit and feelings of the age, can have a very long duration. Yet the mode or the period in which it shall be removed can scarcely be even conjectured. Before that consummation can be hoped, the undertaking must be assumed by leaders of a more practical and statesmanlike characThe abolitionists now testify against compensation as a sin. Yet the present masters did not originate slavery, but received it by inheritance; all their material interests are bound up with it; and the change, under the most favourable view, could not take place without temporary loss and embarrassment on their part. We cannot discover any sin in affording them, under such circumstances, aid and relief; and it would seem graceful had the north, while calling upon them so loudly to encounter the evil, offered in some degree to share and mitigate its pressure. Again, they denounce gradual abolition as a sin. Yet abrupt and unprepared changes

in the social system are often found to be pernicious even to those on whose behalf they are made. The example of Britain appears in favour of the gradual system. We should incline with Miss Martineau to recommend, even after emancipation, some temporary restriction on the power of holding land. The object would be to check the tendency to fix on small spots, and draw from them by imperfect culture a rude subsistence; to shut them in to the position and habits of hired labourers. The tendency alluded to has, if we understand right, been the main cause which has rendered the West Indian emancipation, as respects the masters, not perfectly successful.

CHAPTER III.

Religion in the United States.

Early Religious State-Effects of the Revolution-Adoption of the Voluntary System-Respect for Religion-In New England-In the South-Deficiency in the West-SectsMethodists-Baptists-Presbyterians-Congregationalists—

Episcopalians-Roman Catholics-Quakers-Unitarians, &c.

-Shakers-Rappites-Mormonites-Societies-Bible-Missionary-Home-Sabbath School-Revivals and Camp-Meetings-General Result.

RELIGION in the United States has presented itself under peculiar and important aspects, which have excited the greater interest from their bearing upon questions by which men's minds in the old world have been deeply agitated. It shall be our object rather to exhibit the facts connected with and tending to illustrate the subject, than to assume the advocacy of any particular conclusion.

This principle was deeply concerned in the first foundation of the colonies. That of New England, the most flourishing of them, was founded, as already shown, by the Puritans escaping the persecution to which they were exposed under the Stuarts. They came out prepared to assign to it a prominent place in their institutions; erecting, indeed, rather a church than a state, and excluding from every political privilege those who were not members of their congregations. They did