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much approve that at Detroit. And, as to the trade, he imagined it would be of little consequence, if we had all the peltry to be purchased there, but supposed our traders would sell it chiefly to the French and Spaniards at New Orleans, as he heard they had hitherto done.

At the same time that we Americans wish not to be judged of, in the gross, by particular papers written by anonymous scribblers and published in the colonies, it would be well if we could avoid falling into the same mistake in America, in judging of ministers here by the libels printed against them. The enclosed is a very abusive one, in which if there is any foundation of truth, it can only be in the insinuation contained in the words after cleven adjournments," that they are too apt to postpone business; but, if they have given any occasion for this reflection, there are reasons and circumstances that may be urged in their excuse.

It gives me pleasure to hear, that the people of the other colonies are not insensible of the zeal, with which I occasionally espouse their respective interests, as well as the interests of the whole. I shall continue to do so as long as I reside here and am able.


Joseph I am inclined to think with you, that the Galloway, da ted London,

small sum you have issued to discharge the i Dec., 1767. public debts only will not be materially affected in its credit for want of the legal tender, considering especially the present extreme want of money in the province. You appear to me to point out the true cause of the general distress, viz. the late luxurious mode of living introduced by a too great plenty of cash. It is indeed amazing to consider, that we had a quantity sufficient before the war began, and that the war added immensely to that quan

tity, by the sums spent among us by the crown, and the paper struck and issued in the province; and now in so few years all the money spent by the crown is gone away, and has carried with it all the gold and silver we had before, leaving us bare and empty, and at the same time more in debt to England than ever we were. But I am inclined to think, that the mere making more money will not mend our circumstances, if we do not return to that industry and frugality, which were the fundamental causes of our former prosperity. I shall nevertheless do my utmost this winter to obtain the repeal of the act restraining the legal tender, if our friends the merchants think it practicable, and will heartily espouse the cause; and, in truth, they have full as much interest in the event as we have.

The present ministry, it is now thought, are likely to continue at least till a new Parliament; so that our apprehensions of a change, and that Mr. Grenville would come in again, seem over for the present. He behaves as if a little out of his head on the article of America, which he brings

every debate without rhyme or reason, when the matter has not the least connexion with it. Thus, at the beginning of this session on the debate upon the King's speech, he tired everybody, even his friends, with a long harangue about and against America, of which there was not a word in the speech. Last Friday he produced in the House a late Boston Gazette, which he said denied the legislative authority of Parliament, was treasonable, rebellious, &c., and moved it might be read, and that the House would take cognizance of it; but, it being moved on the other hand that Mr. Grenville's motion should be postponed to that day six months, it was carried without a division; and, as it is known that this Parliament will expire before that time,


it was equivalent to a total rejection of the motion. The Duke of Bedford, too, it seems, moved in vain for a consideration of this paper in the House of Lords. These are favorable symptoms of the present disposition of Parliament towards America, which I hope no conduct of the Americans will give just cause of altering.



The resolutions of the Boston people conFranklin, da. ted London,

cerning trade make a great noise here. Par10 Dec., 1767. liament has not yet taken notice of them, but the newspapers are in full cry against America. Colonel Onslow told me at court last Sunday, that I could not conceive how much the friends of America were run upon and hurt by them, and how much the Grenvillians triumphed. I have just written a paper for next Tuesday's Chronicle to extenuate matters a little. *

Mentioning Colonel Onslow reminds me of something, that passed at the beginning of this session in the House

* Scarcely had Franklin returned to London from his continental trip, when news arrived of the retaliatory measures which the series of revenue acts of Parliament had provoked in Boston. They were regarded as but the Stamp Act in a new disguise, and as a continuation of a policy which it was hoped had been abandoned with that odious measure. Disappointed and indignant, the Bostonians assembled in town meeting, formally recommended the encouragement of domestic manufactures and the abandonment of all superfluities, and engaged themselves, after a stated time, to eschew entirely the use of certain specified articles of foreign manufacture.

These resolutions, adopted on the 28th of October, 1767, produced scarcely less excitement in England than the acts of Parliament which provoked them had produced in the colonies. They were denounced as deliberately disrespectful to Parliament, and little short of rebellious. These threats from the colonies worried Franklin, because they strengthened the enemies of the actual ministry, which was doing the best it could for America. To calm the excitement, Dr. Franklin wrote a paper which was printed, though, as Dr. Franklin said, with the teeth drawn and the nails pared, that

between him and Mr. Grenville. The latter had been raving against America, as traitorous, rebellious, &c., when the former, who has always been its firm friend, stood up and gravely said, that in reading the Roman history he found it was a custom among that wise and magnanimous people, whenever the senate was informed of any discontent in the provinces, to send two or three of their body into the discontented provinces, to inquire into the grievances complained of, and report to the senate, that mild measures might be used to remedy what was amiss, before any severe steps were taken to enforce obedience; that this example he thought worthy of our imitation in the present state of our colonies, for he did so far agree with the honorable gentleman, that spoke just before him, as to allow there were great discontents among them. He should therefore beg leave to move, that two or three members of Parliament be appointed to go over to New England on this service. And that it might not be supposed he was for imposing burdens on others, which he would not be willing to bear himself, he did at the same time declare his own willingness, if the House should think fit to appoint them, to go over thither with that honorable gentleman. Upon this there was a great laugh, which continued some time, and was rather increased by Mr. Grenville's asking, “Will the gentleman engage, that I shall be safe there? Can I be assured

it could neither scratch nor bite, in the London Chronicle, entitled "Causes of the American Discontents before 1768." It did not save the ministry, however. The king was determined that the colonies should feel and respect his power, and so at the commencement of the following year Lord Hillsborough took the place of Lord Shelburne, and was made Secretary of State for America, a newly-created department, and was a so placed at the head of the Board of Trade.--ED.

that I shall be allowed to come back again to make the report?'' As soon as the laugh was so far subsided, as that Mr. Onslow could be heard again, he added, “I cannot absolutely engage for the honorable gentleman's safe return; but if he goes thither upon this service, I am strongly of opinion the event will contribute greatly to the future quiet of both countries.” On which the laugh was renewed and redoubled.

If our people should follow the Boston example in entering into resolutions of frugality and industry, full as necessary for us as for them, I hope they will among other things give this reason, that it is to enable them more speedily and effectually to discharge their debts to Great Britain. This will soften a little, and at the same time appear honorable and like ourselves.

To John Ross, The instruction you mention, as proposed by
dated Lon-
don, 13 Dec.,

a certain great man, was really a wild one. 1767.

The reasons you made use of against it were clear and strong, and could not but prevail. It will be time enough to show a dislike to the coalition, when it is proposed to us. Meanwhile we have all the advantage in the argument of taxation, which our not being represented will continue to give us. I think, indeed, that such an event is very remote. This nation is indeed too proud to propose admitting American representatives into their Parliament; and America is not so humble, or so fond of the honor, as to petition for it. In matrimonial matches it is said, when one party is willing, the match is half made ; but, where neither party is willing, there is no great danger of their coming together. And, to be sure, such an important business would never be treated of by agents unempowered

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