But is it possible that your lordships should not have marked, and marked with indignation, the levity, and even ridicule, with which the noble lord, at the head of the Admiralty, has treated this most solemn subject. No man who did not feel himself secure in the promise of impunity from some quarter, would proclaim his mistakes in triumph, and sport with the calamities of his country. It is astonishing that any one should have dared to promise impunity to such fatal errors, and a conduct so criminal: it is your lordships' business to look to this. Should such men not only be at large unaccused, but highly trusted, adding fresh insults, misleading by fresh misinformation, and manifesting a total contempt of the public, both here and in America? The noble lord laughs at all propositions of conciliation; repeats his imputation of cowardice against the Americans; says the idea of rights is to be driven out of their heads by blows; and ridicules the objections to employing foreigners and papists. Is this a language, my lords, becoming so great an officer of state? Is it decent thus to stigmatize so great a part of the empire with so base a calumny? It is impossible that noble lord can have less intolerancy in his disposition than I have. But it does not therefore least mention made in the Speech which has been this day delivered to us, of a paper, the most important of any that could possibly come under the consideration of this House. I mean the last Petition from the general congress in America. How comes it, that the colonies are charged with planning independency in the face of their explicit declaration to the contrary, contained in that Petition? Who is it, that presumes to put an assertion, contrary to fact, contrary to evidence, notorious to the whole world, in that mouth, from which truth alone, if unprompted, would issue? It is their intention, by thus perpetually sounding independence in the ears of the Americans, to lead them to it, or by treating them, upon suspicion, with every possible violence, to compel them into that, which must be our ruin. For let visionary writers say what they will, it is a plain and incontestible fact, that the commerce of America is the vital stream of this great empire. A noble and reverend lord has insinuated, that the Petition seems to him to be conceived in terms of great art and ambiguity. I have examined it with great care, but this morning I read it repeatedly, and to my apprehension, except a certain degree of address necessary to meet the prejudices which have been wickedly and industriously ex-follow, that I should think it a measure of cited here, there cannot be a fairer opportunity offered of extricating this country from the ruinous situation in which the folly of administration has involved us. It furnishes the fairest foundation for an honourable and advantageous accommodation. I have been long and intimately known to some gentlemen of that country, one of whom now takes a considerable share in their proceedings; and I have ever found them and their correspondents constant and earnest in the wish for conciliation, upon the terms of ancient connection. no moment, or of inconsiderable danger, to arm the hands of those who are strangers to toleration, and who pant for the extirpation of the Protestant religion. By what authority is it, that the crown has put the strong fortresses of this empire into the possession of foreign troops? I do not enquire whether it is with or against the letter of any particular law. I see it fundamentally infringing the first principles of our government; and do not hesitate to pronounce it high treason against the constitution. I foretell, it is a measure which the indignation of this My lords, you have heard two of his country will pursue, till it is utterly conMajesty's ministers acknowledge, they demned. For, my lords, if there were a were deceived in their information, and settled plan to subdue the liberties of this have erred in their measures respecting country, what surer means could be adopt America. There wants only a similar ac-ed, than those of arming Roman Catholics knowledgment from a certain law lord, who was forward to pledge himself last year for the success of their plans. A little blood, indeed, he owned they might cost; but with that, their efficacy was inevitable. The noble lord's political sagacity has for once forsaken him. A great deal of blood has been unhappily shed, to no purpose, but to sever us more, if not put us asunder for ever. and introducing foreign troops? Before you venture to make Roman Catholics soldiers, let them be made citizens. They will otherwise willingly employ the arms in their hands, to destroy those privileges of which they are not suffered to partake, If Hanover assists us, we must defend her when invaded. This involves us in continental connections and wars, which have already almost overwhelmed us with debt. solely by a desire of the same emoluments. In every view, then, these measures are But, my lords, whatever may be the obimpolitic, unconstitutional, and dangerous.ject in ordinary times, the present are big with dangers that absorb every other consideration. The inevitable consequence of persevering in these measures, must be such a depreciation of our estates, that opulence will be reduced to competence, and that to indigence. In contemplation of this adversity, I feel it a happiness that I have been bred a soldier; accustomed to the moderation of that life, my fall from opulence will be easy; such may it be with the rest of your lordships! But as you would avoid this, and still greater ca Much has been said, my lords, about not distrusting the present prince upon the throne; though we may be jealous of trusting such powers with those who may succeed him. It is not now a time for compliments. I do not distrust the King that is now upon the throne. I have more veneration for the character of king William than for that of any prince that ever swayed a sceptre. The greatness of his talents, the virtues and the heroism of his heart, render him, in my estimation, the first of men. Yet had I been in that parliament which re-lamities, let me beseech you to temper, fused him his Dutch guards, I should have been the foremost in so wise and constitutional a measure. My vote, my lords, shall never be given for trusting the dangerous power of the sword in foreign hands. And however I may trust English swords will never be employed against English liberties, yet, I hold it my duty as a guardian of the constitution, to look ever with à jealous eye on the augmentation even of an English army. My lords, the ministers lament, that it is their task, in this American business, to support the measure of another administration. This is some acknowledgment at least, that the measure was wrong. Why, then, did they support it? What secret influence has compelled them to heap errors on errors, grievance upon grievance, till they have shaken the constitution to its foundation, and brought the whole empire into danger and confusion? The Americans judge from facts. They have seen an uniform lurking spirit of despotism pervade every administration. It has prevailed over the wisest and most constitutional counsels; it has precipitated us into the most pernicious of all wars; a war with our brothers, our friends, and our fellow subjects. It was this lurking spirit of despotism that produced the Stamp Act in 1765; that fettered the repeal of that Act in 1766; that revived the principles of it in 1767; that has accumulated oppression upon oppression since, till at length it has openly established, by the Quebec Bill, popery and arbitrary power over half America. It is the constant endeavour, my lords, of those who lend themselves as the instruments of all the measures prompted by that pernicious spirit, for the emoluments it yields, to throw upon us the imputation of being prompted to opposition and restrain with your wisdom, the violence of this fatal address. The question was put upon the Amendment. It passed in the negative. Contents 29; Non-contents 69. The question was next put upon the motion for an Address. It passed in the affirmative. Contents 66, and proxies 10, in all 73. Noncontents 33, no proxies. List of the Minority. DUKES. Richmond Manchester. MARQUIS. Rockingham. EARLS. Stamford VISCOUNT. danger, attempts made to deprive some millions of British subjects of their trade, their laws, their constitution, their mutual intercourse, and of the very food which God has given them for their subsistence. We have beheld endeavours used to enforce these impolitic severities at the point of the bayonet. We have, on the other hand, beheld so large a part of the empire, united in one common cause, really sacrificing with cheerfulness their lives and fortunes, and preferring all the horrors of a war raging in the very heart of their country, to ignominious ease. We have beheld this part of his Majesty's subjects, thus irritated by resistance, and so successful in it, still making professions, in which we think it neither wise nor decent to affect a disbelief of the utmost loyalty to his Majesty; and unwearied with continued repulses, repeatedly petitioning for conciliation, upon such terms only as shall be consistent with the dignity and welfare of the mother country. When we consider these things, we cannot look upon our fellow-subjects in America in any other light than that of freemen driven to resist ance by acts of oppression and violence. 2. "Because this unnatural war, thus commenced in oppression, and in the most erroneous policy, must, if persevered in, be finally ruinous in its effects. The commerce of Great Britain with America was great and increasing, the profits immense, the advantages, as a nursery of seamen, and as an inexhaustible magazine of naval stores, infinite; and the continuance of that commerce, particularly in times of war, when most wanted to support our fleets and revenues, not precarious, as all foreign trade must be, but depending solely on ourselves. These valuable resources, which enabled us to face the united efforts of the House of Bourbon, are actually lost to Great Britain, and irretrievably lost, unless redeemed by immediate and effectual pacification. nent, and that growing multitude of resolute freemen who inhabit it; even if that or any country, was worth governing against the inclination of all its inhabitants. But we fear, that while we are making these fruitiess efforts, refusing to give credit to the declarations of our fellow subjects, and blindly confiding in the insidious professions of the natural enemies of this country, we are preparing an easy prey for those who prudently sit quiet, beholding British forces, which, if united, might be in a condition, from their valour, numbers, and discipline, to carry terror into the very heart of their kingdoms, destroying each other. Every event, whichever way it turns, is a victory to them. Our very hospitals furnish them with daily triumphs; the greater, as they are certain, without any risk to them of men or money. 4. "Because we conceive the calling in foreign forces to decide domestic quarrels, to be a measure both disgraceful and dangerous; and that the advice which ministers have dared to give to his Majesty, which they have avowed and carried into execution, of sending to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port Mahon, the dominions of the crown of Great Britain, a part of his electoral troops, without any previous consent, recommendation or authority of parliament, is unconstitutional. That Hanoverian troops should, at the mere pleasure of the ministers, be considered as a part of the British military establishment, and take a rotation of garrison duties, through these dominions, is, in practice and precedent, of the highest danger to the safety and liberties of this kingdom, and tends wholly to invalidate the wise and salutary declaration of the grand fundamental law of our glorious deliverer, king William, which has bound together the rights of the subject and the succession of the crown. 5. "Because the ministers, who are to be entrusted with the management of this 3. "Because Great Britain, deprived war, have proved themselves unequal to of so valuable a part of its resources, and the task, and in every degree unworthy of not animated, either with motives of self-public trust. Parliament has given them defence, or with those prospects of advantage and glory, which have hitherto supported this nation in all its foreign wars, may possibly find itself unable to supply the means of carrying on a civil war, at such a vast distance, in a country so peculiarly circumstanced, and under the complicated difficulties which necessarily attend it. Still less should we be able to preserve, by mere force, that vast conti every assistance they asked; no unforeseen accidents have stood in their way; no storms have disabled or delayed their operations; no foreign power hath, as yet, interfered: but notwithstanding these advantages, by their ignorance, negligence, and want of conduct, our arms have been disgraced; upwards of ten thousand of the flower of our army, with an immense artillery, under four generals of reputation, The Commons being re turned to their House, Mr. Acland said: Sir, when I consider the importance of the subject brought under our consideration by the speech from the throne, that on our firmness or indecision, the future fate of the British empire and of ages yet unborn will depend; when I behold the eyes of all Europe fixed on the temper and first proceedings of this assembly, I cannot rise without feeling the inferiority of my own abilities, and dreading to sink under a burthen I find myself almost unequal to bear; but if the kind indulgence of this House will support me, I will beg its attention but for a few moments, and then conclude with moving a dutiful Address to the King. and backed with a great naval force, have | of Thanks.] been miserably blockaded in one sea-port town, and after repeated and obstinate battles, in which such numbers of our bravest men have fallen, the British forces have not been able to penetrate one mile into the country which they were sent to subdue; important fortresses are seized, the governors are driven from their provinces, and it is doubtful whether, at this moment, we are in possession of a single town in all North America. Whether we consider its extent or its commerce, England has lost half its empire in one campaign. Nor can we impute the misconduct of ministers to mere inability, nor to their ignorance of the state of America, upon which they attempt to justify themselves; for while some members of administration confess they were deceived as Reflecting, Sir, on the present situa to the strength and condition of the pro- tion of America, so greatly altered since vinces, we have from others received of our last meeting, when I see her rising ficial information, that the insufficiency of from her subordinate relation to this the navy was concealed from parliament, country, to the undisguised assertion of and part of administration, from a fear of independence and empire; when I atnot receiving support from its members; tempt to deduce the consequences that we cannot therefore consent to an Address will thence flow, not only to this country which may deceive his Majesty and the but to all Europe, I confess I stand public into a belief of the confidence of amazed at the extent of the object. But, this House in the present ministers, who Sir, however awful the situation of public have deceived parliament, disgraced the affairs may be, I hold it to be the first nation, lost the colonies, and involved us duty of a great national assembly, deliin a civil war against our clearest interests; berating on a great national concern, not and, upon the most unjustifiable grounds, to despair of the republic; for whoever, wantonly spilling the blood of thousands Sir, attentively examines the spirit of opof our fellow subjects.(Signed). position that has been so long fomenting Manchester, Devonshire, Ched-in America, whoever traces its course worth, Boyle, Craven, Scarbo- from its origin to its present enormous rough, Effingham, Rockingham, height, through all the various appearRichmond, Torrington, Fitzwil- ances under which artifice, passion and liam, Archer, Thanet, Cholmon- interest have alternately disguised it, deley, King, Portland, Stamford, must admit as I do, that the reducing Ponsonby, Abingdon." The King's Answer to the Lords' Address.] To the Address of the Lords his Majesty returned this Answer: "My Lords; America to a just obedience to this country is not without its difficulties; but he will conclude with me too, that where the interests of a great people are concerned, difficulties must be overcome not yielded to, nor are the difficulties su"I receive with the most sensible satis-perior to the strength of the nation that faction this Address, so fully expressive of has to encounter them. Recollect the your duty and loyalty to me. Nothing strength, the resources, and above all the can be more acceptable than the assur- spirit of the British nation, which when ances you give of your utmost support to roused knows no opposition; let me reenable me to re-establish order and tran-mind you of those extensive and successquillity throughout all my dominions; ful wars that this country has carried on and I shall most heartily concur with any before the continent of America was measures that may tend to so salutary a known; let me turn your attention to that purpose." period when you defended this very people from the attacks of the most powerful Debate in the Commons on the Address and valiant nation in Europe, when your armies gave law, and your fleets rode triumphant on every coast. Shall we be told, then, that this people, whose greatness is the work of our hands, and whose insolence arises from our divisions, who have mistaken the lenity of this country for its weakness, and the reluctance to punish, for a want of power to vindicate the violated rights of British subjects; shall we be told that such a people can resist the powerful efforts of this nation? The steps hitherto taken by parliament have been marked by forbearance and moderation; for though it was well known that parts of America had been labouring to throw off the authority of this country, yet so unwilling was parliament to exert its arms, that during the last session it continued to proceed by the coercion of civil power, trusting that the infatuation of the Americans would at last cease, and the sword might remain peaceful within its scabbard: but the Americans reasoned differently; they took advantage of our inclination to peace to prepare themselves for war, and though it was contended at our last meeting that New England was not then in a state of rebellion, it cannot now be contended that America is not in a state of war. From the very beginning of this quarrel the point in dispute between us has been perpetually fluctuating, and whatever the original contest might be, it is now lost in a contest for independence and empire. That the Americans have been long contending for independence, I believe I am not the only gentleman in the House who is firmly persuaded; but now they hold a higher tone; presuming on a supposed invincibility of strength, they speak a clearer language. their professions; they have raised an army, they are creating a marine, and the continental congress, under the assumed power of its own self-created assembly, have issued bills on continental credit; they have made war too, in all its forms, on the people of whom they would wish to be independent. The question is now, therefore, reduced into a very short compass: do gentlemen chuse to acquiesce in the inde pendence of America, or to enforce their submission to this country by vigorous measures? We shall be told, perhaps, not only of the difficulties of such an enterprize, but of the few advantages we can draw from a country reduced by the calamities of war: but this argument has little weight with any one who considers, that the same force which is sufficient to subdue the disobedient spirit of America, is also sufficient and will be exerted to repair her losses, and alleviate her calamities. How soon were the mischiefs of the last war repaired! how soon was com merce restored, and industry reanimated in all parts of the world! But admitting this argument in its full force, admitting that America is regained, weakened and exhausted by the unnatural struggle; compare this situation with that of Ame rican independence; compare it with the perpetual loss of those exclusive advan tages you have hitherto enjoyed in her trade; consider too, that the moment America is independent, she becomes the arbiter of your West-Indian trade, and a dangerous rival in many of the other branches of British commerce; from that moment the North American merchant becomes the rival of the British merchant in every part of Europe, Asia, and Africa, whilst the European, the Asiatic and African merchant, will be received as favourably as the British through the whole American continent: and I must main tain, that it would have been better for this country that America had never been known, than that a great consolidated American empire should exist indepen dent of Britain. The congress, in their observations on the conciliatory plan offered by parliament last year, triumphantly demand "what right Britain has to interfere with her government, since she does not interfere with that of Britain?" Is not this the language of an independent state? It is a language that might well become France and Spain, but which cannot be reconciled to any idea of obedience from a co- Would gentlemen, not mutually relony to a mother country. In the private proaching each other for what has or has intercepted correspondence of their lead- not been done, without passion and withers, we find them boasting "of their la-out prejudice, consider what the exigency bours in modelling a new government; of affairs requires now to be done, they raising, clothing and subsisting a large will perceive, whatever its origin might army, creating a marine, and founding an be, to such a height is this dispute run, extensive empire:" but their actions still that no measures can be proposed that the more loudly declare their intentions than Americans, confident in their own strength, |