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elsewhere affordably provide themselves racy and carnage of York and Lancaster, with cattle, lumber, and divers other arti. will here be joined to all the elementary cles requisite for the support of a planta- hardships and maladies of a bigot crusade. tion.
Shall not such dreadful æras in our earlier Let us turn our eyes to the inland trad- chronicle, serve us for beacons at this peing towns here at home; those large iron rilous crisis? Those rash expeditions, infounderies which used to supply the an- deed, undertaken by a few martial zealots chors of commerce and implements for on misconceived piety, began to decline husbandry and the ingenious arts, are now at the death of the hot-brained, savageset at work in moulding the sword and hearted king, under whom they were first the bayonet to enslave America. From enterprized; and the sluices of kindred the former commissions there accrued blood, which had long inundated the land constant returns of profit, and numberless in the red and white roses, were at length comforts; from the latter, what can be happily put a stop to, by a single matriexpected but poverty, dejection, and monial contract. Now, Sir, who can look mourning ! Peace with America will make forward to a probable epoch in the red your thousands of manufacturers and arti- volume of time, when the sword drawn in sans a thriving, obedient people; war with this quarrel shall be sheathed in peace! America will make them idle, profligate, I can see no end, till slaughter, proscripand tumultuary. In short, the first open tion, extirpation, shall totally have annihihostilities committed by your troops on lated either one or the other people. that continent, will realize to the race of Far be it from me to anticipate by conman, from one extremity of the earth to jecture to either country so dreadful a the other, more fatal evils than were even sentence; but, Sir, without a gift of precontained in the fabled box of Pandora. ternatural foresight, I may remark, that
It is well known, through melancholy there are features in the aspect of infant observation, drawn from the fate of the America, which denote at maturer years Assyrian, Persian, and Roman empires, a most colossal force. The Helvetic and that national societies, as well as the indie | Flemish confederacies have demonstrated vidual mortals of whom those societies are what extraordinary obstacles a small band composed, have their non-age, their adult of insurgents may surmount in the cause vigour, and their decline. Whatsoever of liberty. The Helvetic confederacy share of indulgence and independency consisted of a few straggling peasants, Great Britain shall, in this her forid and bannered against a mighty prince; yet athletic stage, generously bestow on her firmness and desperation supplied that rising colonies, they will, no doubt, amply energy, which the best disciplined numrepay to her in some future generation, bers could not resist. The tragic scenes when she is verging towards that aweful of Numantia, and of Saguntum, shew to goal which must close her race of glory. how dire a catastrophe a spirited people
The military coercion of America will will devote themselves, sooner than submit be impracticable. What has been the fate to an unjust dominion. It appears from of your famous Bills passed in the last one of the American letters of a late date session of the deceased parliament? I brought to your table, that the inhabitants mean, Sir, the Boston Port Bill, and the of Boston were inclined to copy in part Bill for altering the charter of Massachu. these dire examples; that they meditated set's Bay. America, as an earnest of her to abandon tlie town with their wives and triumph over the future labours for which families, and the reducing it to ashes. envy and malice may reserve her, has, Did not we ourselves give a very striking like another Hercules in the cradle, al proof at the commencement of the twelfth ready grappled with those two serpents century, to what an incendiary height the sent for her destruction. Neither shall fame of vengeance might reach, when we be long able to sustain the unhallowed we invited over, and received into the war at so remote a distance :-unexplored very center of this island, a whole army of desarts, wood-land ambuscades, latitudes Frenchmen to aid us against a tyrant mo to which few of our soldiery have been narch and his iniquitous counsellors? We seasoned ;-the southern provinces scarce owe perhaps that sacred palladium of our to be endured in the summer months, the liberty, Magna Charta, as much to * northern provinces not approachable in dauphin of France, as -to a king of Enga the winter season shipwrecks, pesti- land. lence, famine. The unrelenting invete. The Americans allege, that what they
319] for conciliating the Differences with America. A. D. 1775. (350 now contend for is that reasonable portion where they are not maintainable on prinof liberty with which they were chartered | ciples of justice, of sound policy, or the as their birthright, not by any earthly po- constitution of the land. If you persist tentate, but by the King of kings,“ to in pride and error, what will be the conmake their lives happy, in the possession sequence ? Intestine enmities will be en. of which liberty they do now hourly in. creased-devastation and havock 'must envoke that King of kings, or to make their sue. When questions of such weight and death glorious in its just defence.” magnitude as these now in agitation, con
What is the aim and scope of the reso. cerning America, shall come before you, lution before you? To lure some of the every member ought to reflect, that the less refractory provinces of America, to fate of a whole nation may possibly dedissociate from, and betray their fellow. pend on his single vote. Whosoever gives sufferers; to join in raising a contribution the power of oppression, is in fact a ty. throughout one half of the colonies, to rant--whosoever gives the power of murder, support your armaments and outrages is in fact an assassin. I am against this against the other half, with a view to an- resolution, because I think, that so far nihilate trade, cut off every natural chan- / from extinguishing the flame, it will only nel of livelihood and subsistence, and throw oil upon it to aggravate its fury; butcher the disobedient; and how are and, however conciliatory it may seem at these seceders to be recompensed for such first sight, when it comes to be analyzed signal perfidy? Why, by a temporary ex- | on the other side of the water, it cannot ercise of certain empty forms and modes possibly have any other construction put of taxation, confirming at the same time a upon it, than that of adding insult to right in the crown and parliament of injury. Great Britain, to fix the gross amount of Sir P.J. Clerke said he should not be all continental subsidies whatsoever ; that surprised, such was the fluctuating state is, in fact, they are to be still subject to a of our counsels, to see another resolution ministerial majority in this House, which proposed in a few days, totally contradictmay levy imposts on them, not by any ing the present, and those persons who fair scale of proportion to the burthen laid are most zealous in support of this resoluon the mother country, but the demand tion, equally warm in support of the next. may perhaps be carried beyond their abi. Mr. Hartley. I am called upon on this lities, or they may be liable to the dis- occasion particularly as I made a concilia. charge of an immense national debt. Byl tory proposition on this subject of the way of earnest, however, against the nu- | American disputes to the House before merous abuses in future to which this cu. Christmas, which I shall, at a proper time, tous plan lies open, they shall instantly offer to the House as a regular motion. repose entire faith and confidence in the | The proposition alluded to, was to make a present set of the King's ministers at free requisition to the colonies for a supply Westminster, so remarkable for consis. towards the expence of defending, protency, lenity, and wisdom.
tecting, and securing the colonies. The The noble lord puts me in mind of king present motion is not free but compulsory ; Arthur, in our niodern dramatic mask, it is attended with menaces and threats, where that first of the British worthies therefore not a lenient or conciliatory stands balancing between Grimbald and measure, but only thrown out as such for Philadel. He has just caught a glympse a pretext. To say, Give mc as much of the cloven foot of the infernal fiend by money as I wish, till I say enough, or I whose dazzling snares and incantations he will take it from you, and then to call such has been thus long fascinated, and is turn- a proposition conciliatory for peace, is ining to the fair, heavenly spirit, who would sult added to oppression. The proposition guide him into the ways of happiness and which I made before Christmas, was, what honour. Let hiin not stop short, but it appeared, a free requisition. A requia, pursue the only track that can save his sition by a secretary of state is an ancient, country-perhaps save himself from per- legal, approved, constitutional way. It
states the case, represents the services ne. I should be as strenuous an advocate cessary to be done, and requires the free for the just authority of parliament as aid of the subject for those necessary serany man; but I think we ought candidly vices, leaving, as a constitutional controul, and eftectually to relinquish allvain pre- to the subject whose money is required, tences to supreme sovereignty, in cases the judgment upon the necessity of the
services stated, and the right of appro- quisitions were made in a legal and constipriating the money so granted. How to-tutional way. I have collected offers of tally different from this proposition is that this kird, and I have got them from, I before us now, which says neither more think, almost every colony. I can shew nor less than this ; Give me what I ask, them repeatedly from Massachuset's Bay, leaving likewise the quantity to my dis- from New York, New Jersey, Maryland, cretion, or I will take it by force. Besides, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Carolina, and these this proposition is a direct breach of faith repeated from time to time during the towards America, who have been assured | whole of this contest. I have them in my by a circular letter from the secretary of hand, and will beg to read them to the state, that his Majesty's ministers never House. [Reads them. And to conmeant, nor ever would entertain the clude the whole, North America assembled thought of raising a revenue in America by at the continental congress pledge themtaxing. This proposition before us is a selves, “ that whenever the exigencies of direct breach of the public faith so pledged the state shall require a supply, they will to America, by a circular letter from al as they have always heretofore done, consecretary of state, in which his Majesty's tribute their full proportion of men and royal word was particularly plighted. The money.” The terms in which all these noble lord's proposition, who was upon offers are expressed, are clear, uniform the same bench when the above mentioned and explicit. All that they require, is circular letter was written, is that we will that they may stand upon the footing of forbear to tax just so long as they will freemen and free British subjects, and give us a revenue to our content. What giving and granting their own money; for is this if it be not extorting a revenue by these reasons I object to the motion before threats of taxing? The only concession us, and shall, with the permission of the contained in this proposition is, that it gives House, endeavour to put the proposition up at once the mode of our proceedings upon its proper grounds by another motion with America for these last ten years, as on some future day. it confesses that it would be proper to Mr. Thomas Powys wanted to know the proceed in the way of requisitions. This sum each colony was to raise, the manner proposition pretends to condemn the ex- it was to be appropriated, and whether it ercise of taxation before you have made al was to be granted annually, or for a de requisition at least, and have met with a finite number of years. refusal, though by uniting them in the Lord North was for preserving the same proposition, it destroys the very na- right of parliament to tax the colonies ture of the requisition by making it com- but for transferring the exercise of thal pulsory.-Let us enquire now whether right to the colony assemblies. He wa ever North America did refuse to contri. | for leaving the colonies at liberty to con bute to the common defence upon requi- tribute voluntarily to the alleviating the sition: so far from it that they ever have public burdens; and for reserving to par contributed in case of necessity, even be- liament, a right of rejecting or increasing yond their abilities, as the records of those voluntary aids at pleasure. Amon thanks to them, and retribution for the ex. other things, he said, if the colonies rejec cess of the zeal and fidelity, which stand I just conditions, they must be reduced te annually upon your Journals during the unconditional obedience ; that such of th late war, do fully and incontestibly prove. colonies as did not comply with the Reso Throughout the whole course of this con- | lution, would have the Acts rigidly enforce test since the war, they have over and against them; that he did not nor could over offered to contribute to the necessary at present, pretend to specify the exac supply when called upon in a constitu- sum they ought to raise, as it would pro tional way. I have extracted proofs of bably fluctuate by bearing a certain pro these from addresses, petitions, &c. for the portion to the sums raised in Great Bri whole period of the last ten years. Their tain; and that whatever propositions they petitions you have thrown out of your might make, would be received in a lega doors, their repeated addresses, remon.. way from an assembly lawfully and pro strances, letters and memorials you have perly constituted, in order to be laid be treated with contempt. I have now in fore parliament for their final approbation my hand a score of proofs that they have | In answer to the hon. gentleman, why offered to pay upon requisition according asked whether the grant was to be an an to the utmost of their abilities, if those re- nual one, or for a term of years, he re plied, he could not tell; but for his part give that indulgence to my situation, he should wish it to be the latter, other- which I should have little claim to upon wise it would return to interrupt the pub- any other pretensions. lic business every session, and consequent. Sir, I think an explanation the more ly, be a perpetual subject of discussion necessary, because both without doors and and disagreement.
| within, allusions and references are making Mr. T. Townshend said, that the House continually to the sentiments of those who was at a loss even so much as to conjec. are to act in the military department-a ture what were the intentions of adminis- | very important, but very unenviable lot. tration, or what the present resolution In some of the licentious prints of the pointed at; that nothing hitherto offered times there have not been wanting sugby the noble lord had in the least degree gestions to the public, that a sanguinary operated towards the alteration of his sen- minister had chosen the generals best fitted timents. He thought the resolution im- by their inclinations to carry havock and practicable, whether it meant to enforce destruction through the continent of Ame. obedience, or effect reconciliation.
rica. Within these walls we have been Sir Richard Sutton said the objects to treated very differently indeed: we have which the resolution was directed were found an attention, a respect, a favour of very apparent.
opinion and of expression, that has im. Mr. Charles Turner cited some of the printed upon my mind, and I am persuaded most objectionable parts of the American equally upon the minds of my colleagues, Bills of last session, and said, that they a sincere satisfaction and a deep sense of were the most tyrannical and oppressive gratitude to gentlemen on all sides of the that were ever passed.
| House. But still, Sir, I have observed Mr. Hans Sianley said, that some time through the course of the debate an opibefore the late Address of both Houses to nion to prevail that a great latitude of his Majesty, this proposal was talked of orders is to be given, and that in acting and approved, by several persons of very under such latitude we shall be influenced high rank in business. Instructions as to by the speeches we hear in this place, the sums to be raised, must undoubtedly some of which are supposed to convey the be confined to people in confidence. He most inflammatory ideas, others, ideas of then proceeded to distinguish between the the most humiliating concession. I do not acts of a congress, and an assembly legally know, Sir, that any such latitude will be and constitutionally convened, and ground given, at least it will hardly extend to my ed the whole weight of his argument on inferior station. The utmost merit I shall that distinction, shewing that it might be be able to claim in this expedition, will extremely proper to agree to propositions probably be that of an attentive, an assimade by one, while it would be madness duous, circumscribed obedience. But I 80 much as to treat with the other. can speak with confidence of those under
Mr. Alderman Sawbridge was very whom I am to leave this country, as well pointed on some of the expressions which as of the high and respectable officer who fell from the last hon. member, relative to now commands in America; such men those who appeared the partizans of Ame- / will not want the oratory of this House to rica. He owned himself of that number, I give a due tone to their spirit or their and gloried in the imputation.
humanity. General Burgoyne. Sir, from the time A noble sentiment fell from an hon. I have been under orders to serve in Ame- gentleman in my eye, (colonel Barré) fica, I have thought it an unbecoming part “ that bravery and compassion were asso. to give my voice as a judge in any Ame- ciate virtues;" may they remain blended rican question, this upon your paper only on the minds of every military man in excepted. But having taken some sbare America; let a persuasion uniformly pre
the debates of last year which have been vail, that upon a review of our conduct misrepresented, and having appeared in hereafter, by our dispassionate and impar. some divisions this year, before I had any tial countrymen, our bravery will be judged. Knowledge or suspicion of my destination, by the test of our compassion. Should 1 anxiously wish to take this occasion to we inevitably be made the instruments of explain the motives upon which I have punishment, let every action of the unJavariably acted; and notwithstanding the happy conflict be directed and marked by exhausted state of the debate, I rise with that temper whichever ought to discriminate confidence in the House, that they will the correction of the state from the sudden (VOL, XVIII. 1
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and impetuous impulse of passion and re- if any gentleman denies the particular apvenge: but with these principles at the plication of it. Is there a man in England heart of every soldier, and these they will (I am confident there is not an officer or be; for there is a charm in the very wan- soldier in the King's service) who does derings and dreams of liberty that disarms not think the parliamentary rights of Great an Englishman's anger; with these prin | Britain a cause to fight for, to bleed and die ciples at the heart, çare must be taken for? Sir, I will assert, that the professed that the honour, the ascendancy, the im. advocates of America have never ventured pression of the British arms be not insulted to meet this argument fairly. They have or diminished in the hands of those to | always shifted it to collateral enquiries, whom they are intrusted ; and while we accusation, recrimination, and examination remember we are contending against fellow of the measures by which we have been subjects and brothers, it must not be for- led into our present dilemma. Sir, past got we are contending in the crisis, and errors may be great and manifest; every for the fate of the British empire.
administration for ten years past may have An honourable young member (Mr. had their share. It is not my present Ackland) who has entered into the army | purpose to justify any. Enquiries may be with a zeal that justly intitles him to the very proper, at a proper time: but as a esteem of every officer, and whose parlia. / member of parliament, I hold myself in. mentary spirit and talents have this day dispensibly called upon to take up the proved him a most valuable acquisition to question, upon this important, now this un. this House, asked, early in the debate, 1 paralleled moment in the English history, Whether it could be supposed, those Ame when we tamely suffered government to be ricans who denied the authority of British suspended, when we sit here the mere shalegislature, would accept the mode of tax | dow of authority, the phantom of a parliaation proposed by these resolutions? I ment, assembling only to lament the subbelieve they will not; and I differ with stance we have lost, and to propose and him so far upon this occasion, as to say, I subtilise questions of our own impotency. do not like the resolution the worse upon Sir, another method of evading a debate that account. While it holds out conci- | upon the true merits of this question, has liation to those who wish to return to obe been, to confound the understanding. In. dience and fidelity, and must be accepted genious men will run changes upon real by all rational men and well intentioned and virtual representation, external and subjects, the refusal of it will be as expli- internal taxes, revenue and regulation, till citly and decisively declaratory, as any one's head grows dizzy with distinctions, manifesto could express, of the principles and the most gross absurdities and contra. on which they act, who continue to resist, dictions become, for a moment, specious. and it puts the dispute on clear ground. But it is not in rhetoric or sophistry to
Sir, in foreign wars the conscience of the argue the great rational majority of the quarrel belongs to the state alone. The people of England out of the plain, simple, soldier draws his sword with alacrity: the proposition, which is contained in the Declacause in which he engages rests between ratory Act of the 6th of the present King. God and his prince, and he wants no other | The reason of the nation has been long excitements to his duty, than such as the convinced; the trial now only is whether glory of his country, personal honour, and we have spirit to support our conviction. just ambition will suggest. In civil discord Sir, if the whole body of the kingdom (without enquiring casuistically, whether does not rouse at this alarm, and shake off in any, or in what possible case, a military that torpitude under which our public servant of the crown can be justified in spirit has long shamefully languished ; if declining a service to which he is legally | every class and distinction of men do not commanded) I believe, a consideration of join in this great cause; if our merchants the cause will find its way to the breast of and manufacturers do not in one instance every conscientious man; and in the exeo | take example from the Americans, and cution of his duty, he will find sorrow and render it glorious by adapting it to a better remorse on one side, or satisfaction and cause; if they do not feel insult and alo. inward comfort on the other, according to front in the suspicion, that while one counthe private judgment he entertains. I per-try dares the interruption of commerce to ceive gentlemen on every side of the effectuate her chimerical claims, the other House acknowledge the truth of this gene. I will not exert equal fortitude to vindicate ral observation. Sir, I shall be astonished her fundamental rights ; if this be out