360 VOLUNTEERS-IRELAND. [1798. equally bear the same taxes ?" A more obvious objection was put by Mr. Hobhouse: "The man who had an income of 1000l. per annum arising from capital, and the man who gained the same annual sum by a profession or business, surely ought not to be assessed in the same degree." In the House of Lords, the argument, which left out of view the pressure upon industry, was used by lord Holland,-that a direct tax of this nature would be oppressive to the landed interest. "Could their lordships look forward to the prospect of their posterity becoming titled beggars? Their property was easily known, and they could not, if they were inclined, evade the tax. The whole weight of the tax must fall on those who should not be able to escape-in fact, on land-owners-on those who had ostensible possessions." + The measure of an Income-Tax was passed without any division in either House. In the royal speech of the 20th of November, there were two references to the internal condition of Great Britain and Ireland which are of more than temporary importance: "The extent of our preparations at home, and the demonstrations of zeal and spirit among all ranks of my subjects, have deterred the enemy from attempting to execute their vain threat of invading the coasts of this kingdom." The "demonstrations of zeal and spirit" had chiefly reference to the formation of Volunteer corps throughout the country. How imperfectly the zeal of the people was then seconded by the aid of the government may be collected from a letter of lord Cornwallis, in May, 1798. He was then Master-General of the Ordnance: "The only means by which the innumerable local corps in all parts of the country can be armed, is by providing balls for fowling-pieces." + The other noticeable passage in the royal speech is this: "In Ireland the rebellion which they [the enemy] had instigated has been curbed and repressed; the troops which they landed for its support have been compelled to surrender; and the armaments since destined for the same purpose have, by the vigilance and activity of my squadrons, been captured or dispersed." The policy of curbing and repressing rebellion was now to be associated with a higher ambition in the British government. The first proposal to the British Parliament of a legislative union with Ireland, was conveyed in a passage of the King's message on the 22nd of January, recommending to the "Parliaments of both kingdoms to provide, in the manner which they shall judge most expedient, for settling such a complete and final adjustment as may best tend to improve and perpetuate a connection, essential for their common security, and to augment and consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire." During the progress of our narrative, from the year 1795, we have deferred any detailed notice of the condition of Ireland. In the next Chapter we shall endeavour to present a connected view of the circumstances which preceded the Rebellion; of the progress of that calamitous struggle; and of its final issue in the measure which has been a never-ceasing source of bitterness to Irish factions, but of the benefits of which to both countries no wise or honest politician can now doubt. "Parliamentary History," vol. xxxiv. cols. 23 and 25. + Ibid. col. 185. Ireland-Comparative tranquillity after 1783-Recall of lord Fitzwilliam-United IrishmenIrish Directory-Commencement of the Rebellion-Suppression of the Rebellion-Marquis Cornwallis Lord-Lieutenant-Landing of a French force under Humbert-Surrender of the French-Napper Tandy-The Union proposed -Desire of the government for the relief of the Catholics-Debates on the Union in the British and Irish Parliaments-Lord Castlereagh-Corruption of the Irish Parliament-Grattan returns to his seat in the Irish House of Commons-Articles of the Union proposed-Arguments for and against the UnionThe Union completed. THE great legislative measures for the relief of Ireland, which were passed in the period from 1779 to 1783, were succeeded by an interval of comparative quiet.+ The question of Parliamentary Reform was indeed agitated in 1784 and in 1790, but without any approach to success in the divisions of the Lords and Commons who sat at Dublin. The general evils of the Representation were similar in principle to those of England. "Of three hundred members," said Mr. Grattan, "above two hundred are returned by individuals; from forty to fifty are returned by ten persons; several of the boroughs have no resident elector at all; and, on the whole, two-thirds of the representatives in the House of Commons are returned by less than one hundred persons. But previous to 1793 there was an especial evil in the Representation of Ireland. Three-fourths of the people The last Chapter, commencing at page 346, was erroneously headed XXI. instead of XX. + See ante, vol. vi. p. 443. Grattan's speech, Feb. 11, 1793. VOL. VII. BB 362 RECALL OF LORD FITZWILLIAM. [1795. were Roman Catholics, paying their proportion of taxes, without any share in the representation or any control of the expenditure. Roman Catholics were excluded from the Irish Parliament by an English Act of 1691, the fourth year of the reign of William and Mary. By the Act of the first year of George II. they were deprived of the right of voting at elections. In 1793 Roman Catholics were admitted, by an Act of the Irish Parliament, to the exercise of the elective franchise. That the agitation for the removal of other civil disabilities would cease was scarcely to be expected. In 1795 Mr. Fox wrote, "To suppose it possible that now that they are electors they will long submit to be ineligible to Parliament, appears to me to be absurd beyond measure." There were other particulars in which Roman Catholics laboured under serious disadvantages. The laws of exclusion from many offices in great part remained. There was a partial change in the English cabinet in 1794, by the introduction of three important statesmen, who, formerly attached to the party of Mr. Fox, seceded from him on questions connected with the French Revolution. Earl Fitzwilliam became Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. Before his actual appointment it was a complaint against him that "he has pledged himself too far to recede, with respect to a total new system both of men and measures." Great is the consternation when lord Fitzwilliam enters upon his office. Loud is "the creaking which some of the old worm-eaten furniture makes at its removal." § Lord Fitzwilliam, who arrived in Dublin on the 4th of January, 1795, immediately displaced, with compensation, some of the holders of office who were the most hostile to the plan which he contemplated for the government of Ireland. He entered upon his functions in the belief that the ministry would impose no restrictions upon him in carrying forward a full measure of Catholic emancipation. On the 12th of February, Grattan obtained leave, in the Irish House of Commons, to bring in a bill for the repeal of all the remaining disqualifications of Catholics. A fortnight later, earl Fitzwilliam was recalled, and earl Camden appointed in his place. The moderate Catholics anticipated the most disastrous results from a measure so decided on the part of the British cabinet. Dr. Hussey, the friend and correspondent of Burke, wrote to him on the 26th of February:-" The disastrous news of earl Fitzwilliam's recall is come, and Ireland is now on the brink of a civil war." He adds, with a temper as admirable as it was rare, "Every man that has anything to lose, or who loves peace and quiet, must now exert himself for the salvation of the country, and to keep the turbulent in order." Although disappointed in their hopes, the Catholics, as a body, were not those whose turbulence most required to be kept down. A most formidable association, under the denomination of United Irishmen, was now being organized. Burke describes them as "those who, without any regard to religion, club all kinds of discontents together, in order to produce all kinds of disorders." By the end of 1796, this organization was becoming truly + Ante, p. 316. Lord Grenville to Thomas Grenville-"Court and Cabinets," vol. iii. p. 314. § Burke-"Correspondence," vol. iv. p. 271-Letter to Dr. Hussey, Feb. 4, 1795. |