The Monroe DoctrineS. Tousey, 1863 - 50 Seiten |
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Seite 4
... Power . ” The Declaration of Independence was the first breath of in- dependent national life on this continent . The United States assumed at once the rark and the responsibilities of a real nation among nations , having the right to ...
... Power . ” The Declaration of Independence was the first breath of in- dependent national life on this continent . The United States assumed at once the rark and the responsibilities of a real nation among nations , having the right to ...
Seite 5
... Powers naturally respect the office of American Minister , from a knowl- edge of the resources and growing power of the nation that sends him ; and also ( some of them ) from dreaming of contingencies which may make the friendship of ...
... Powers naturally respect the office of American Minister , from a knowl- edge of the resources and growing power of the nation that sends him ; and also ( some of them ) from dreaming of contingencies which may make the friendship of ...
Seite 6
... Power was so much the central principle , that the phrase is customarily used by writers to denote the whole Political System , including all other elements as sub- ordinate . Vattel's definition of a Balance of Power- " Such a disposi ...
... Power was so much the central principle , that the phrase is customarily used by writers to denote the whole Political System , including all other elements as sub- ordinate . Vattel's definition of a Balance of Power- " Such a disposi ...
Seite 7
... Power . The occasions , methods , and limitations , of this system have become a complex science , taxing the powers of the profoundest scholars . Its ap- plication to the ever varying exigencies created by the ambition of kings , the ...
... Power . The occasions , methods , and limitations , of this system have become a complex science , taxing the powers of the profoundest scholars . Its ap- plication to the ever varying exigencies created by the ambition of kings , the ...
Seite 8
... Powers is not practically under an obligation to sustain the cause of justice unless its perception of the wrong is ... Powers , and finally , when the great Power so injured is competent to wage war with fair hopes , then Europe is ...
... Powers is not practically under an obligation to sustain the cause of justice unless its perception of the wrong is ... Powers , and finally , when the great Power so injured is competent to wage war with fair hopes , then Europe is ...
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Häufige Begriffe und Wortgruppen
Adams administration affairs Allied Powers American continent American nations ance of Power authority Balance of Power Britain British government brutum fulmen Canning's Castlereagh cause civilized world coalition concerned Congress of Vienna constitute course create danger debt declaration Emperor England ernment established European politics European power European system Five Great Powers foreign France French government friendly Greece hemisphere hereditary Holy Alliance honor ican independence institutions interests interfere invasion of Mexico Juarez king letter liberty Lord Castlereagh manifest ment Mexican military force millions monarchy Monroe Doctrine Napoleon negotiations North American Review object occasion original Panama Congress Papal Power party patriotic peace political system Pope President Monroe pretext principle proposed provisional purpose question recognition relations respect restored revolution rope Rush Rush's Russia sagacity South America Spain Spanish American statesmen subjugation system of Europe tion treaty treaty of London United whole wrong
Beliebte Passagen
Seite 25 - The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do.
Seite 26 - In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.
Seite 26 - In the war between those new governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.
Seite 33 - Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe.
Seite 25 - In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense.
Seite 48 - Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Seite 16 - When the battle of Bunker Hill was fought, the existence of South America was scarcely felt in the civilized world. The thirteen little Colonies of North America habitually called themselves the "Continent.
Seite 25 - We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.
Seite 26 - European powers to extend their political system to any portion of this hemisphere as 'dangerous to our peace and safety,' and of course to be counteracted or provided against as we shall deem advisable in any ease.
Seite 28 - This coincidence of the two great English commonwealths (for so I delight to call them ; and I heartily pray that they may be forever united in the cause of justice and liberty) cannot be contemplated without the utmost pleasure by every enlightened citizen of the earth.