religion, which gave him the great claim to the protection of the Government under which he lived. Near three hundred years before Austin set his foot on English ground the inhabitants had a good constitution. This came not in with him. Neither did it come in with Luther; nor was it to go out with Calvin. We were a free people by the creation of God, by the redemption of Christ, and by the careful provision of our never-to-be-forgotten honourable ancestors; so that our claim to these English privileges, rising higher than Protestantism, could never justly be invalidated on account of nonconformity to any tenet or fashion it might prescribe. This would be to lose by the Reformation, which was effected only that we might enjoy property with conscience. But if these ancient fundamental laws, so agreeable to nature, so suited to the dispositions of our nation, so often defended with blood and treasure, so carefully and frequently ratified by our ancestors, should not be to our great state-pilots as stars or compass for them to steer the vessel of the kingdom by, or as limits to their legislation, no man could tell how long he would be secure of his coat, enjoy his house, have bread for his children, or liberty to work for it, or life to eat it.He then argued the folly, the inconsistency, the evil tendency of acting in such cases by any other rules than those of the people's rights, and brought examples from history to show how a contrary conduct had operated to the downfall of many states.

With respect to the second part of the answer, that is, a determination by the Government of conducting itself so as to act upon a balance, as nearly as it could, towards the several religious interests, he proved, first, that our Saviour prohibited all force in producing an uniformity of religious opinion.

He contended, secondly, that, if any one party should use force for such a purpose, it ought to have the preponderance in numbers, wisdom, wealth, sober life, industry, and resolution on its own side. But this was then not the case with the Church. If, however, the Church of England had then by the favour of the Government a greater share of authority than any other in the land, he maintained not only that the said Government ought not to favour one class of religious Dissenters more than another, but that it ought to preserve a due balance by treating all alike, and by freely giving, not a comprehension, but toleration to all. This latter sentiment he supported by eight arguments chiefly of a prudential nature, and drawn partly from general principles and partly from the political state of the kingdom, of which I have only room for the following. "It is not," says he, "the interest of Governours to blow coals in their own country, especially when it is to consume their own people, and it may be themselves too." Again: "Such conduct not only makes them enemies, but there is no such excitement to revenge as a raped conscience. Whether the ground of a man's religious dissent be rational or not, severity is unjustifiable with him; for it is a maxim with sufferers, that, whoever is in the wrong, the persecutor cannot be in the right. Men not conscious to themselves of evil, and hardly treated, not only resent it unkindly, but are bold to show it." Again: "Suppose

the prince by his severity should conquer any into compliance, he could upon no prudent ground assure himself of their fidelity, that is, of the fidelity of those whom he taught to be treacherous to their own convictions." Having detailed his eight arguments, he anticipated three objections which might be made to them, and then gave to each of these a distinct consideration and reply.

With respect to the third part of the answer, that is, a determination by the Government upon a sincere promotion of general and practical religion, I shall only observe, that, however excellent his sentiments were on that subject, it is unnecessary to repeat them, because the advantage of such a determination, if put in practice, must be obvious.

Notwithstanding this excellent work, persecution still followed those who dared to dissent practically from the Established Church, but particularly the Quakers; and continuing to rage with unabated fury, he resolved to make one other effort in behalf of his suffering brethren. Finding that an appeal to reason, and to the laws and constitution of the country, had failed with those to whom he had lately addressed himself, he determined to try to make an impression upon their feelings. He wrote therefore a small book, which he called “The continued Cry of the Oppressed for Justice, being a farther Account of the late unjust and cruel Proceedings of unreasonable Men against the Persons and Estates of many of the People called Quakers, only for their peaceable Meetings to worship God: presented to the serious Consideration of the King and both Houses of Parliament." He began this book with an appropriate address to the three branches of the Constitution, after which he satisfied himself with relating in a plain and simple manner several of the atrocities which had taken place in different parts of the kingdom, hoping that the bare recital of them would do good. That the reader may judge of some of these, I shall lay before him the following extracts: "Four persons were sent to prison only for attending a meeting at Long Claxton in Leicestershire, from whom goods of various kinds were seized to the amount of two hundred and thirty-six pounds (an enormous sum in those days), their very bed-clothes and working-tools being taken from them. In clearing the meeting-house on this occasion, not only men but women were forcibly dragged out, some by the heels and others by the hair of their heads. Many were also purposely trod upon, and several bruised and wounded in different ways.In Nottinghamshire, James Nevil, a justice of the peace, took from T. Samsun by warrant, on account of his attending two meetings, nineteen head of beasts and goods to the value of sixty pounds and upwards.

-In the county of Norfolk John Patteson had two hundred sheep taken from him, and William Barber cows, carts, a plough, a pair of harrows, and hay, for the same offence, to the amount of fifty pounds. Barber's house had been rifled before ten times, and he was then a prisoner upon a writ de excommunicato capiendo.-William Brazier, shoemaker at Cambridge, was fined by John Hunt, mayor, and John Spencer, vicechancellor, twenty pounds

for holding a peaceable religious meeting in his own house. The officers who distrained for this sum took his leather, last, the seat he worked upon, wearing clothes, bed, and bedding.In Somersetshire F. Pawlett, justice of the peace, fined thirty-two persons only for being at a burial, and seized for the fines cows, corn, and other goods to the amount of eighty-two pounds and upwards. No one appearing to buy the distrained cattle, the Justice employed a person to buy them for himself. -In Berkshire Thomas Curtis was fined three pounds fifteen shillings by Justice Craven, who ordered his mare to be seized, which was worth seven pounds. Curtis put in an appeal against this proceeding, according to the act; but it was thrown out. The officers also offered the fine to Craven; but he would not take it, but had the mare valued at four pounds, and then kept her for himself.In Cheshire Justice Daniel, of Daresbury, took from Briggs and others the value of one hundred and sixteen pounds fifteen shillings and tenpence in corn, kine, and horses. The latter he had the audacity to retain and to work for his own use. In the same county, near Nantwich, Justice Manwaring took by warrant, for fines which amounted to eighty-seven pounds, goods to the value of one hundred and one pounds in kine, bacon, bedding, brass, pewter, corn, cloth, shoes, and cheese. Some of the sufferers appealing, the Jury acquited them; but the Justices would not receive the verdict. The same Justices, on the other hand, at the next sessions, gave judgment for the informers, with treble costs. Such was the nature of "The continued Cry of the oppressed for Justice;" a work, though small, yet valuable, inasmuch as it shows us what man is capable of when under the dominion of bigotry and superstition; furnishing us with facts, which, but for the known truth of them, we, who live in this improved age, should have thought incredible under a government calling itself Protestant, and crying out against the persecution of the Romish Church.

The same spirit of love and hatred of oppression, which made William Penn so warm an advocate for his brethren at home, impelled him to become the champion of their interests abroad. A decree had come out this year at Embden, by which all Quakers were to be banished from that city. He wrote therefore a letter to the Senate of Embden, worded in Latin, and of considerable length, in their behalf.

We find that he was engaged in three works of a controversial nature during the present year. An anonymous person had published "The Quaker's last Shift found out." This he answered by "Naked Truth needs no Shift." He wrote, secondly, "Jeremy Ives's sober Request proved in the Matter of it to be false, and impertinent, and impudent," and soon after this "Libels no Proofs."

About this time he interested himself in procuring the release of George Fox. The latter, after his return from America, went to London, and after staying there some time left it, partly to visit his mother, who was then on her death-bed and partly to return home with his wife into Lancashire. In

This

passing, however, through Worcestershire, he happened to preach. was just after the Act of Indulgence had been called in. The consequence was, that he was taken up and committed to Worcester goal, where he had been then a prisoner for some months. In this situation William Penn exerted himself in his favour, as appears by the following letter:

"DEAR GEORGE FOX!-Thy dear and tender love in thy last letter I received, and for thy business thus: A great lord, a man of a noble mind, did as good as put himself in a loving way to get thy liberty. He prevailed with the King for a pardon, but that we rejected. Then he prest for a more noble release, that better answered hath. He prevailed, and got the King's hand to a release. It sticks with the Lord Keeper, and we have used and do use what interest we can. The King is angry with him (the Lord Keeper), and promiseth very largely and lovingly; so that, if we have been deceived, thou seest the grounds of it. But we have sought after a writ of error these ten days past, well nigh resolving to be as sure as we can; and an habeas corpus is gone or will go to-morrow night. My dear love salutes thee and thy dear wife. Things are brave as to Truth in these parts, great conviction upon the people. My wife's dear love is to you all. I long and hope ere long to see thee.-So, dear George Fox, am, &c.

"WM. PENN."

There is another letter from William Penn to George Fox on the same subject, but it is unnecessary to copy it. It may suffice to say, that, after a discovery of several errors in the indictment, the release of his friend followed.

CHAPTER XI.

A. 1675-CONTINUES AT RICKMANSWORTH-CONVERTS MANY-HOLDS A PUBLIC DISPUTE THERE WITH RICHARD BAXTER-CORRESPONDS WITH THE LATTER-PUBLISHES "SAUL SMITTEN TO THE GROUND" -WRITES TO A ROMAN CATHOLIC-ARBITRATES BETWEEN FENWICK AND BYLLINGE-TWO LETTERS TO THE FORMER.

In the year 1675 we find him still living at Rickmansworth, where, as well as in other places, he became eminent as a minister of the Gospel. In his own neighbourhood indeed he had converted many; and from this cause, as well as from a desire which others of his own society had to live near him, the country about Rickmansworth began to abound with Quakers. This latter circumstance occasioned him, oddly enough, to be brought forward again as a public disputant; for the celebrated Richard Baxter, who was then passing that way, when he saw so many of the inhabitants of this description, began to be alarmed for their situation. He considered them as little better than lost people, and was therefore desirous of preaching to them, in order, to use his own words, "that they might once hear what was to be

said for their recovery." This coming to the ears of William Penn, he wrote to Baxter, and one letter followed another, till at length it was mutually agreed that they should hold a public controversy on some of the more essential articles of the Quaker faith. What these were I could never learn. It is certain, however, that the parties met, and that they met at Rickmansworth. It is known also, that the controversy began at ten in the morning, and lasted till five in the afternoon, and that the disputants addressed themselves, each in turn, to two rooms filled with people, among whom were counted one lord, two knights, and four conformable ministers, that is, clergymen of the Established Church.

Of the issue of this controversy I can find no record. Richard Baxter seems to have been satisfied with himself on the occasion, for he says, in allusion to it, "that the success of it gave him cause to believe that it was not labour lost." William Penn, on the other hand, spoke of it with some confidence; for, in a letter which he addressed to Richard Baxter soon afterwards, he stated, "that if he had taken advantage of him, he could have rendered him more ridiculous than he feared his principles of love would have borne." From the same letter we have reason to think that the meeting was not a well conducted one; for William Penn says, that “if he should be informed when Richard Baxter's occasions would permit a debate more methodically, and like true disputation (which he judged more suitable before the same audience), he would endeavour to comply, though he was not without weighty affairs almost continually on his hands to furnish him with an excuse."

This letter and the public dispute preceding it gave rise to a correspondence between the parties, in which three or four other letters were exchanged. Of the contents of those written by Richard Baxter I can find nothing, except what may be inferred from those which are extant of William Penn. I shall therefore pass both of them over, observing only, that William Penn's last letter manifested a spirit of forgiveness which exalted his character, and a spirit, by which it was apparent that, whatever he might think of the doctrine or temper of his opponent, he believed in the soundness of his heart. The conclusion of it was this: "in which dear love of God, Richard Baxter, I do forgive thee, and desire thy good and felicity. And when I read thy letter, the many severities therein could not deter me from saying that I could freely give thee an apartment in my house and liberty therein; that I could visit, and yet discourse thee in much tender love, notwithstanding this hard entertainment from thee.-I am, without harder words, thy sincere and loving friend, "WILLIAM PENN."

In the course of this year Matthew Hide, who had been very troublesome in the Quakers' meetings, by interrupting and opposing their ministers when in the performance of their worship, became sick; and being on his deathbed, and under great remorse of conscience for what he had done, he could not be easy till he had sent for George Whitehead and others of the