part of this sum can only be realized by a resort to legal process. Some improvement in the receipts for postage, is expected. A prompt attention to the collection of moneys received by postmasters, it is believed, will enable the Department to continue its operations without aid from the Treasury, unless the expenditure shall be increased by the establishment of new mail routes.

A revision of some parts of the post office law may be necessary; and it is submitted, whether it would not be proper to provide for the appointment of postmasters, where the compensation exceeds a certain amount, by nomination to the Senate, as other officers of the general government are appointed.

Having communicated my views to Congress, at the commencement of the last session, respecting the encouragement which ought to be given to our manufactures, and the principle on which it should be founded, I have only to add, that those views remain unchanged, and that the present state of those countries with which we have the most immediate political relations, and greatest commercial intercourse, tends to confirm them. Under this impression, I recommend a review of the tariff, for the purpose of affording such additional protection to those articles which we are prepared to manufacture, or which are more immediately connected with the defence and independence of the country.

The actual state of the public accounts, furnishes additional evidence of the efficiency of the present system of accountability, in relation to the public expenditure. Of the moneys drawn from the Treasury, since the fourth of March, one thousand eight hundred and seventeen, the sam remaining unaccounted for, on the thirtieth of September last, is more than a million and a half of dollars less than on the thirtieth of September preceding; and during the same period, a reduction of nearly a million of dollars has been made in the amount of the unsettled accounts for moneys advanced previously to the fourth of March, one thousand eight hundred and seventeen. It will be obvious that, in proportion as the mass of accounts of the latter description is diminished, by settlement, the difficulty of settling the residue is increased, from the consideration, that, in many instances, it can be obtained only by legal process. For more precise details on this subject, I refer to a report from the First Comptroller of the Treasury.

The sum which was appropriated at the last session, for the repair of the Cumberland road, has been applied with good effect to that object. A final report has not yet been received from the agent who was appointed to superintend it. As soon as it is received, it shall be communicated to Congress.

Many patriotic and enlightened citizens, who have made the subject an object of particular investigation, have suggested an improvement of still greater importance. They are of opinion that the waters of the Chesapeake and Ohio may be connected together, by one continued canal, and at an expense far short of the value and importance of the object to be obtained. If this could be accomplished, it is impossible to calculate the beneficial consequences which would result

[Dec. 2. from it. A great portion of the produce of the very fertile country through which it would pass, would find a market through that channel. Troops might be moved with great facility in war, with cannon, and every kind of munition, and in either direction. Connecting the Atlantic with the Western country, in a line passing through the seat of the national government, it would contribute essentially to strengthen the bond of union itself. sess the right to appropriate money for such a national object, (the Believing, as I do, that Congress posjurisdiction remaining to the states through which the canal would pass,) I submit it to your consideration whether it may not be advisable to authorize, by an adequate appropriation, the employment of a suitable number of the officers of the corps of engineers, to examine the unexplored ground, during the next season, and to report their opinion thereon. It will likewise be proper to extend their examination to the several routes through which the waters of the Ohio may be connected, by canals, with those of Lake Eric.

As the Cumberland road will require annual repairs, and Congress have not thought it expedient to recommend to the states an amendment to the Constitution, for the purpose of vesting in the United States a power to adopt and execute a system of internal improvement, it is also submitted to your consideration, whether it may not be expedient to authorize the Executive to enter into an arrangement with the several states through which the road passes, to establish tolls, each within its limits, for the purpose of defraying the expense of future repairs, and of providing, also, by suitable penalties, for its protection against future injuries.

The act of Congress of the seventh of May, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-two, appropriated the sum of twenty-two thousand seven hundred dollars for the purpose of erecting two piers as a shelter for vessels from ice, near Cape Henlopen, Delaware Bay. To effect the object of the act, the officers of the Board of Engineers, with Commodore Bainbridge, were directed to prepare plans and estimates of piers sufficient to answer the purpose intended by the act. It pears by their report, which accompanies the documents from the War apDepartment, that the appropriation is not adequate to the purpose intended; and, as the piers would be of great service, both to the navigation of the Delaware Bay, and the protection of vessels on the adjacent parts of the coast, I submit for the consideration of Congress whether additional and sufficient appropriation should not be made.

The Board of Engineers were also directed to examine and survey the entrance of the harbor of the port of Presque Isle, in Pennsylvania, in order to make an estimate of the expense of removing the obstructions to the entrance, with a plan of the best mode of effecting the same, under the appropriation for that purpose, by act of Congress, passed third March last. The report of the Board accompanies the papers from the War Department, and is submitted for the consideration of Congress.

A strong hope has been long entertained, founded on the heroic struggle of the Greeks, that they would succeed in their contest, and

resume their equal station among the nations of the earth. It is believed that the whole civilized world takes a deep interest in their welfare. Although no power has declared in their favor, yet none, according to our information, has taken part against them. Their cause and their name have protected them from dangers, which might, ere this, have overwhelmed any other people. The ordinary calculations of interest, and of acquisition, with a view to aggrandizement, which mingle so much in the transactions of nations, seem to have had no effect in regard to them. From the facts which have come to our knowledge, there is good cause to believe that their enemy has lost forever all dominion over them; that Greece will become again an independent nation. That she may obtain that rank, is the object of our most ardent wishes.

It was stated at the commencement of the last session, that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal, to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked, that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries, or make preparation for our defence. With the movements in this hemisphere, we are, of necessity, more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different, in this respect, from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But, with the governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between these new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrali

ty at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this government, shall make a corresponding change, on the part of the United States, indispensable to their security.

The late events in Spain and Portugal, shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact, no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed, by force, in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question, in which all independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are interested; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy, in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly rela tions with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power; submitting to injuries from none. But, in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent, without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our Southern Brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to will the same course. pursue themselves, in the hope that other powers If we compare the present condition of our Union with its actual state at the close of our Revolution, the history of the world furnishes no example of a progress, in improvement in all the important circumstances which constitute the happiness of a nation, which bears any resemblance to it. At the first epoch, our population did not exceed three millions. By the last census, it amounted to about ten millions, and, what is more extraordinary, it is almost altogether native: for the emigration from other countries has been inconsiderable. At the first epoch, half the territory within our acknowledged limits was unSince then, new territory has been inhabited and a wilderness. acquired, of vast extent, comprising within it many rivers, particularly the Mississippi, the navigation of which to the ocean was of Over this territhe highest importance to the original states.

tory our population has expanded in every direction, and new states have been established, almost equal in number to those which formed the first bond of our Union. This expansion of our population, and accession of new states to our Union, have had the

happiest effect on all its highest interests. That it has eminently augmented our resources, and added to our strength and respectability as a power, is admitted by all. But, it is not in these important circumstances only, that this happy effect is felt. It is manifest that, by enlarging the basis of our system and increasing the number of States, the system itself has been greatly strengthened in both its branches. Consolidation and disunion have thereby been rendered equally impracticable. Each government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from the other; and, in consequence, each enjoying a greater freedom of action, is rendered more efficient for all the purposes for which it was instituted. It is unnecessary to treat, here, of the vast improvement made in the system itself, by the adoption of this constitution. and of its happy effect in elevating the character, and in protecting the rights of the nation, as well as of individuals. To what then do we owe these blessings? It is known to all, that we derive them from the excellence of our institutions. Ought we not then to adopt every measure, which may be necessary to perpetuate them?

WASHINGTON, December 2, 1823.

JAMES MONROE.

Ordered, That the said message and documents be committed to the committee of the whole House on the state of the Union; and that six thousand copies thereof be printed for the use of the Members of this House.

And then the House adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1823.

Two other Members, to wit: from New York, Samuel Lawrence; and from Alabama, George W. Owen, appeared, and produced their credentials.

Richard K. Call also appeared, and produced his credentials, as the Delegate from the territory of Florida.

On motion of Mr. Taylor, it was

Ordered, That the call for petitions be dispensed with, and that the several Standing Commitees be now appointed, in pursuance of the rules and orders of the House: Whereupon,

A Committee of Elections was appointed, consisting of Mr. Sloane, Mr. Mallary, Mr. Ball, Mr. Tucker, of S. C. Mr. Standefer, Mr. Hall, of N. C. and Mr. Thompson, of Ken.

A Committee of Ways and Means was appointed, consisting of Mr. M'Lane, of Del. Mr. Ingham, Mr. Thompson. of Geo. Mr. Andrew Stevenson, Mr. Cambreleng, Mr. M.Duffie, and Mr. M'Kim. A Committee of Claims was appointed, consisting of Mr. Williams of N. C. Mr. M.Coy, Mr. Rich, Mr. Litchfield, Mr. Matson, Mr. Whittlesey, and Mr. Isacks.

A Committee on the Public Lands was appointed, consisting of