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pound:' But says he, I cannot talk on business now; ttiis is the day when we mett together to learn good things, and I am going 10 the meeting. So I thought to myself, since I cannot do my business to day, I may as well go to the meeting too, and 1 went with him.— There stood up a man in black. and began to talk to the people very angrily,. I did not understand what he said ; but perceiving that he looked much at mr, and at Hanson, I imagined he was un^ry at seeing me there ; so I went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe. waiting till the meeting should break up.. I thought too that the man had mentioned something of beaver, and I suspected it might be the subject of their meeting. So when they came out I accosted my merchant. 'Wei! Hans,' says I, ' I hope you have agreed to give mote than four shillings a pound.' No, 'says he,' I cannot give more than three shilling and six pence.' I then spoke to several other dealers, but they all sung the same song. three ...nd six pence, three and six pence. l'his made it clear to me that my suspicion was right; and that whatever they pretended of meeting to learn good thing*, the purpose was to consult how to cheat Indians in tne price of beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my opinion. If they met so often to learn goad things, they would certainly have learned some beibre this time. Bui they are still ignorant- You know our practice. If a, in travelling through our country, enters one of our cabins, we all treat him as I do you; we dry him if he is wet, we warm him if he is cold, and give him meat and. drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger; and we spread soft furs for liira to rest on; we demand nothing in return.* But

* It is remarkable, that in all ages and.countries hospitality has been allowed as the virtue of those, whom the civilized were pleased to call Barbarians; the Greeks celebrated the Scythians for it. The Saracens possessed it eminently; and it js to this day the reigning virtue of the wild Arabs. St..Paul kaolin the. relation of-hie if I p.o into a white man's house at Mbanv, and ask for victuals and drink, they say, where is your money, and if I have none, they say «;et out> you Indian d'.£. You see they have not yet learned those liitle g.jud things that we need no meetings to be instructed in, because our mothers taught them to us when we were children ; and therefore it is impossible their meetings should be, as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such effect; they are only to contrive the cheating ff Indian* in the Ji; ice of beaver."

To Mr. Dubourg, Concerning the Dissensions between England and America.

London, October 2, 1778. I See with pleasure that we think preity much alike «n the subject of English America. We of the colonies have never insisted that we ought to be exempt from contributing to the common expences necessary to support the prosperity of the empire. We only assert, that having parliaments of our own, and not having representatives in that of Great Britain, our parliaments are the only judges of what we can and what we ought to contribute in this case j and that the English parliament has no right to take our money without our consent. In fact, the British empire is not a single state; it comprehends many; and though the parliament of Great Britain has arrogated to itself the power of taxing the colonies, it has no more right to do so, than it has to tax Hanover. We have the same king, but not the same legislatures.

—— > '' r

Toyage and shipwreck on the island of Melita, says,— *' the barbarous people shewed us no little kindness :. for they kindled a fire, and received us every one, because of the present rain, and because of the cold."— This note is taken from a small collection of Franklin's papers, printed for Dilly.

The dispute between the two countries has already. cost England many millions sterling, which it has lost in its commerce, and America has in this respect been. a proportionable gainer. This commerce consisted principally of superfluities; objects of luxury and fashion, which we can well do without ; and the resolution we have formed of importing no more till our grievances are redressed, has enabled many of our infant manufactures to take root; and it will not be easy. to make our people abandon them in future, even should a connection more cordial than ever succeed the present troubles.—I have, indeed, no doubt that the parliament of England will finally abandon its present pretensions, and leave us to the peaceable enjoyment of •ur rights and privileges.


A comparison of the conduct of the ancient Jews and of the^ Antifederalists in the United States of America.

A Zealous advocate for the proposed Federal Constitution in a certain public assembly, said, that " the repugnance of a great part of mankind, to good government was such that he believed, that if an angel from heaven was to bring down a constitution formed there for our use, it would nevertheless .meet with violent opposition." He was reproved for the supposed extravagance of the sentiment; a:d he did not justify it.—Probably: it might not have immediately occurred to bim that the experiment had been tried, and that the event was recorded in the most faithful uf all histories, the Holy Bible ; otherwise he might, as it seems to me, have supported his opinion by that unexceptionable authority.

The Supreme Being had been pleased to nourish up a single family, by continued acts of his attentive Providence, till it became a gre at people: and having re. V Sk


'scried them from bondage by many miracles perform" ed by his servant Moses, he personally delivered to that chosen servant, in presence of the whole nation,* a constitution and code of laws for their observance? accompanied and satictioned with promises of great rewards, and threats of severe punishments, as the consequence of their obedience or disobedience.

This constitution,though the Deity himself was to be at its head (and it is therefore called by political 'writers a theocracy) could not be carried into execution but by means of his ministers; Aaron and his sons were therefore commissioned to be, with Moses, the first established ministry of the new government.

One would have thought, that the appointment of men who had distinguished themselves in procuring the liberty of their nation, and had hazarded their lives in openly opposing the will of a powerful monarch who would have retained that nation in slavery, might have been an appointment acceptable to a grateful people ;. and that a constitution, framed for them by the Deity himself, might on that account have been secure of an universal welcome reception. Yet there were, in everyone of the thirteen tribes, some discontented, restless spirits, who were continually exciting them to reject the proposed new government, and this from various motives.

Many still retained an affection for F.gypt, the land of their nativity, and these, whenever they felt any ineonvenience or hardship, though the natural and UnaVoidable effect of their change of situation, exclaimed against their leaders as the authors of their trouble; and were not only for returning into Egypt, but for stoning their deliverers.* Those inclined to idolatry were displeased that their golden calf was destroyed. Many of' the chiefs thought the new constitution might be. injurious to their particular interests, that the proEhvWe places would be engrossedbyihe families andfrienda

"' i ■ i i ■

* Mtmber*, theft, ai?w

tf Moses and Aaron, and others equally Well born excluded.*—In Josephus, and the Talmud, we leara someparticulars, not so fully narrated in the scripture. We .are there told, "that Corah was ambitious of the priesthood; and offended that it was .conferred on Aaron; and this, as he said, by the authority of Moses only, without the content ofthe people. He accused Moses of having, by various artifices, fraudulently obtained* the government, and deprived the people of their liberties ; and of conspiring with Aaron to perpetuate the tyranny of their family. Thus, though Corah's realmotive was the supplanting of Aaron, he persuaded the people that he meant only the public good ; and they, moved by his insinuations, oegan to cry out——— *' Let us maintain the common liberty of our res/iective tribes; we have freed ourselves from the slavery imposed upon us by the Egyptians, and «hall *ve suffer ourselves to be made slaves by Moses? If we must have a master, it were better to return to Pharaoh, who at least fed us with bread and onions, than to serve this new tyrant, who by his operations has brought us into danger of famine." Then they called in question the reality of his conference with God: and objected to the privacy of the meetings, and the preventing any of the people from being present at the colloquies, or even approaching the place, as grounds of great suspicion. They accused Moses also of peculation ; as embezzling part of the golden spoons, and. the silver chargers, that the princes had offered at the dedication of the altar,t and the offerings of the gold o£ the common people^ as well as most of the poll tax. ;|| and Aaron they ac

.* Numbers, chap. xv'i.ver. S. "And they gathered the?nselves together against Moses and Aaron, and said: unto them ye take too much upon you, seeing ail the congregations are holy, every one of themwherefore then Hft ve up yourselves above the congregations /''

t lumbers, chap. vii. \ Exodus, chap. xxxv. ver, 22.

}j MtmberSfChap. iii, and £xq{'us} chap, Xxk*

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