of reaction in regard to internal improvements. The opponents of the policy were rapidly gaining ground; it would be necessary, at another election, to present a candidate to the whig party against whom there was no considerable prejudice. Accordingly, in January, 1841, Governor Seward announced his determination, under no circumstances, to again become a candidate for the executive office. The announcement took the public by surprise, especially as it was made at a time when he was regarded as having triumphed over all opposition, and gained a firm footing as a leader of the whig party. His last annual message* was considered the ablest official production of his pen. Nor is it too much to say that few, if any, abler documents have ever issued from the executive chair of New York.

The election of General Harrison in 1840, who had been nominated for president, in preference to Mr. Clay, on the ground of superior availability, induced the friends of the latter distinguished leader to believe that he would have been successful if he had received the nomination. This conviction, which became almost universal, produced a settled determination to secure Mr. Clay's nomination for the canvass of 1844. The policy was to foreclose the question by popular movements throughout the United States as early as the spring of 1842. Governor Seward did not assent to the wisdom of the plan. He yielded his private views, however, to the prevailing sentiment of the whig party. But he could not be persuaded to place himself at the head of the movement, with the prospect of a renomination for governor. On the contrary, he frankly pointed out to his friends the reasons against their course. The question of the annexation of Texas, he argued, had become inevitable. Under the excitement produced by its discussion, the anti-slavery interest had grown up in the state, from one thousand in 1838, to two thousand five

* See Vol. II., p. 297.

LUTHER BRADISH- WILLIAM C. BOUCK.

89

hundred in 1840, in opposition to General Harrison and himself, neither of whom was regarded with special prejudice by the political abolitionists. It was more than probable that the premature nomination of Mr. Clay, who was already severely censured by the abolitionists, would increase their vote at the state election of 1842, from five thousand to fifteen thousand, at the expense of the whig party. This would insure the loss of the state to the whigs, as well as of the presidential election of 1844.

Other counsels, however, prevailed. Governor Seward persisted in declining a renomination. Mr. Clay was the avowed candidate of the whigs for the presidency. The result was the increase of the abolition vote to sixteen thousand. The whigs were accordingly defeated. Their candidate for governor, Hon. Luther Bradish- a man of unexceptionable character, well known to the public, and universally popular-lost his election by a decided vote.*

On the last day of Governor Seward's second official term, his accounts with the treasury were definitely settled; and on the first day of January, 1843, having occupied the executive chair four years, he introduced his successor, Governor Bouck, to the people of the capitol, exchanging with him appropriate courtesies on the occasion of his inauguration. These courtesies, so well adapted to allay animosities and to cultivate a better tone of feeling, were at that time without precedent. They made a favorable impression upon the public mind. With that successor, and all others in the executive chair, of whatever politics, Governor Seward maintained relations of mutual respect and personal friendship.

How strong a hold his benevolent action, during his official term, had taken upon the classes most generally overlooked, neglected and oppressed, may be seen by referring to his replies to letters and addresses elicited by his retirement.†

*The majority for Wiliam C. Bouck was 22,000. + See Vol. III,

CHAPTER XIV.

PRIVATE LIFE- JOHN QUINCY ADAMS - PROFESSIONAL LABORS -PATENT CAUSES FREEDOM OF THE PRESS - FUGITIVE SLAVE CASE O'CONNELL.

ON retiring from his official duties, Governor Seward returned immediately to his residence in Auburn. In one week's space of time, he was seen engaged with as much calmness and assiduity in his profession, as if he had never been removed out of it. Having enjoyed the honors of the highest post in his native state, to the full satisfaction of a noble ambition, and in a manner to leave the deep impress of his character on its laws and institutions, he was not only content, but anxious to turn again to the calls of a profession, which he ever pursued with all the ardor of an amateur.

In 1843, Governor Seward, in his retirement at Auburn, had the gratification of a visit from Ex-President John Quincy Adams, between whom and himself the most intimate relations of friendship had long existed. The meeting was one of great cordiality and affection. It has been. said, and we believe with truth, that on that, as well as on other occasions, Mr. Adams expressed his confidence that the great work of human rights, which he would be obliged to leave unfinished, would devolve more completely on Governor Seward than on any surviving statesman. Thus far, at least, that expectation, so honorable to Governor Seward, has not been disappointed. His published works contain fragments of correspondence between Mr. Adams and Governor Seward, together with orations and speeches

by the latter, which, while they illustrate his own reverence for Mr. Adams, have been regarded as presenting their distinguished subject in his just attitude before the world.

On the occasion of Mr. Adams's death, Governor Seward was invited by the legislature of New York to pronounce a eulogy* on his character and services. It was one of the most faithful and eloquent of the numerous discourses which were prepared on that great national bereavement. Its closing sentences, instituting a comparison between the death scenes of Napoleon and Adams, are scarcely surpassed in pathetic eloquence by any modern production. Believing that a popular biography of that eminent statesman would be more useful, in disseminating and inculcating his principles, than any other contributions that he could make to his memory, Governor Seward applied himself to the preparation of such a work. With the aid of a competent friend,† it was brought out in 1849, in the midst of many absorbing professional engagements. The author's expectations were fully realized. More than thirty-two thousand copies of the work have been already published, and its circulation has been continually increasing.

At the annual commencement of Union College in 1843, Governor Seward was invited to deliver the address before the Phi Beta Kappa Society, of which he is a member. He accepted the appointment, and took for his theme, "The Elements of Empire in America." The address was worthy of his manly and vigorous intellect, and his extensive literary attainments. It presented a comprehensive view of the resources of the American Union, and pointed out the grandeur of its destiny, under the principles of justice and freedom on which it was founded. By special invitation, he repeated the address at the commencement of Amherst College, the same year.

During the ensuing six years, Governor Seward devoted himself to the duties of his profession with brilliant and * See Vol. III., p. 75. Rev. J. M. Austin. See Vol. III., p. 11.

growing success. At first, his practice was confined to the various courts of the state, in which he received liberal retainers for his services. After the lapse of about two years, however, his peculiar aptitude for subjects involving scientific and mechanical principles gained him a large and lucrative practice in the trial of patent cases in the United States courts. He was thus brought into contact with the most distinguished jurists of the country, whom his breadth of intellect and sound legal learning enabled him to meet on equal terms. In one of his arguments he discusses the subject of invention in the following eloquent language:

“There are two great principles of activity, in regard to the world. One is creation, the other is invention. Creation is the peculiar attribute of Him who made all worlds, all that is on the earth, in the earth, and in the waters under the earth, for the greatness, and the welfare, and the happiness of our race. He created nothing that is not adapted, fit, and useful in some way, to promote our health, welfare, prosperity, and happiness. He made it all, in the counsels of his own will. He spoke it into existence by a word, but he concealed it from his creatures, and made it their greatest glory to find out the purposes, principles, and adaptations, of the things by which he surrounded them. Our duty consists in finding them out, and invention is nothing more than finding out what will promote the progress of society, through all time. He has hidden and concealed nothing so deeply that we can not find out, as fast as is best for our welfare and consistent with his providence, the uses and purposes of everything. Invention, then, is worthy of the fostering care of every government. What would society be now, but for the exercise of invention in times past? Where lies our hope of progress in society, but in the exercise of invention for the future? Hope is, in this respect, the spring of youth to mankind and to nations. And, in the exercise of invention, the world is renewing itself, and becoming wiser and better, as it approaches those latter days when our species will have attained a comparative degree of perfection and exaltation.

"Wherein consisted the advantage of the Spaniard over the