poration of Massachusetts. An enlarged plan for a general government of New England was devised, and as a preliminary step, Sir Ferdinando Georges was nominated to the supreme command.

As soon as the colonists were apprised of this measure, they prepared to counteract it. The ministers, whom no test could bind, and who were ever foremost in opposing the king's authority, were convened by the magistrates, and appealed to for advice, under the endearing appellation of the Fathers of the Country. They accordingly assembled at Boston from all the various townships, and the question was formally submitted to them: “What is to be done if a Governor-General be sent over?" They unanimously advised that the colony ought not to accept him, but to defend its lawful possession if able, otherwise to avoid or protract. To have insured obedience, would have required an army, and the king now needed all the forces he could muster to defend himself. The plan therefore failed for want of means.

During all this time, Massachusetts was herself convulsed with religious differences, which, like those in England, led to the planting of new colonies.

Connecticut, Providence, New Haven, and other settlements, were founded by those who complained of persecution for conscience sake. It is not my intention to give any account of these controversies, nor of the principal actors in them, as they do not legitimately fall within the scope of this work; but their migrations are remarkable, as emanations from the parent colony, the people of which, though differing in matters of faith from the refugees, agreed with them in political opinions. Following the example of Massachusetts, they all formed constituencies for themselves, based on mutual compact, and the broad foundation of popular rights. Each established a little separate republic. Thus their dissensions, no less than their consort, tended to spread their democratic principles, which were so soon to be adopted by the whole population of the Continent. Extending their settlements, however, temporally exposed them to new danger, by bringing them in contact with distant and hostile tribes of Indians, which compelled them to unite in a general confederation, and attack the enemies in their own country. Contests with the savages, like their intestine disputes on points of doctrine, I must also pass over, for the same reason. But it is important

to note, that in the Pequod campaign, they exercised one of the highest acts of sovereign power, that of making war, as they had previously done by entering into a treaty of alliance and commerce with another people.

The expedition commenced with senseless bigotry, and terminated with unrelenting cruelty. When the troops were mustered, a most alarming discovery was made, that a great many, both of the officers and men, were under a covenant of works, and it was necessary to delay operations until the army could be purified from the pollution arising from such unsanctified and desperately wicked heretics. The promise which was given them of old in Scripture, and especially referred to by the Puritans of New England, "Ask of me, and I will give thee the heathen for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession," could not, they said, be deemed to include men so lost in error as these Antinomians and Familists. After much fasting and prayer, and some expulsions and admonitions, the preachers pronounced them in a fit state to proceed, and foretold the result with that confidence with which victory may always be predicted, when the bow and the arrow alone are opposed to fire-arms. They were accompanied by a minister who was desirous of preserving that purity of doctrine he had so much difficulty of infusing into them, and of " rejoicing his heart," as he said, "by seeing those that dwell in the wilderness bow before him, and his enemies lick the dust."

It is a great relief to be spared the task of recording the details of this dreadful massacre of a whole tribe, that mustered a thousand warriors, equal to the best and bravest of the whole American continent. Bancroft, who seems proud of the prowess of the Puritans, thus sums up this "glorious exploit." After describing in glowing colors the defeat of the main body, he says: "The rest were pursued into their hiding-places.* Every wigwam was

* In "Thatcher's History of the Town of New Plymouth," p. 65, is an account of a barbarous deed, committed by Captain Standish, under the sanction of the Governor. He and four others fell on an equal number of Indians, whom he had decoyed into a house, and slew them all. Cutting off the head of the chief, and carrying it back in triumph, he set it up on a pole in the town as a terror to this people, whom they were pleased to call savages. When their worthy pastor, whom they had left at Leyden, heard of it, he wrote to the Church, "that he doubted whether there was not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after God's image, that was meet," adding, "it would have been happy if they had converted some before they had killed any."

burned, every settlement was broken up, every corn-field laid waste; there remained not a sarrup, nor squaw, nor child, nor warrior of the Pequod name. A nation had disappeared from the family of men."

The alarm of the colonists, arising from the interference of the king and his governor-general, and their fears relative to their charter, soon gave place to hopes that Royalty and Episcopacy would ere long cease to exist in England. The unfortunate monarch had now to struggle for his life and his throne, and Massachusetts was suffered to enjoy her independence undisturbed, and lay the foundation of those institutions which in time to come were to support, and maintain the great American republic. The cost of New England colonization so far, has been estimated at two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, a great sum for those times, but probably short of the truth. Already there existed, east of the Hudson, twelve independent democratic communities, comprising not less than fifty towns, or distinct settlements; but a consolidation took place soon after, by which the inconvenience resulting from so many separate jurisdictions was remedied by reducing them to six.

CHAPTER VI.

The Colony exercises Sovereignty in external Affairs-Confederates with Connecticut, New Haven, and Plymouth-Terms of Confederation-Effects of it in America-Commissioners of the United Colonies receive a Diplomatic Agent from Acadie, and the Governor-General of Canada sends an Envoy to the Swedish Governor on the Delaware, and negotiates with the Dutch on the Hudson-Massachusetts coins Money-State of the Colony-Parliament exempts New England from Taxes-The People resolve not to ask Favors of Parliament-Decline to send Delegates to the Assembly of Ministers at Westminister-Sir Harry Vane advocates their Cause-Parliament exempts them from certain Duties-Prerogative Claims-Sole Control of ColoniesSketch of its Origin-Idea of Navigation Laws, suggested by James I.— General Court calls in the Aid of the Elders, and deliberates on the Subject of Parliamentary Control, and refuses to submit-They remonstrate with the House of Commons, and obtain a favorable Answer.

We have now arrived at a period in the history of this little commonwealth in which we may clearly trace the origin of the federal union of the several States of the great republic. We have shown that the people maintained that their institutions were established by the free consent, and for the benefit of all; that the country was their own, and that no man had a right to enter it without their permission; that they had full and ample power of governing, by men chosen from among themselves, according to such laws as they should see fit to enact, provided that they were not repugnant to those of England; that they held the keys of the territory; were entitled to prescribe terms of naturalization to all noviciates; and further that they were only subject to the king according to the charter, and not otherwise. In short, they insisted that to all intents and purposes they were independent, except as restrained by the terms of their compact. This claim was illustrated by their acts; hitherto they had sustained it by the manner they managed their internal affairs. In one or two instances, as we have scen, they showed a disposition to exert external sovereignty also. This intention was now boldly avowed and openly acted upon; Massachusetts this year (19th May, 1643) entered into "a firm and perpetual league," offensive and defensive, with the provinces of Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, under the designation of the United

Colonies of New England. All these were rigidly Puritanical. Rhode Island was rejected under the plausible pretext of being within the jurisdiction of Plymouth, but in reality because she indulged the inhabitants with more toleration in religious opinions than Massachusetts approved.

The substance of the agreement is as follows:

"Each colony to retain a distinct and separate jurisdiction, no two to join in one jurisdiction without the consent of the whole, and no other to be received into the confederacy without the like

consent.

"Upon notice from three magistrates of any colony of an invasion, the rest shall immediately send aid, Massachusetts one hundred, and each of the rest forty-five men; and if a greater number be necessary, the Commissioners to meet and determine upon it. Two delegates from each Government, being Church members, to meet annually the first Monday in September, the first meeting to be held at Boston, then at Hartford, New Haven, and Plymouth, and so yearly, in that order, saving that two sittings successively be held at Boston. All matters wherein six shall agree to be binding upon the whole; but if the majority be under that number, the matter in question to be referred to the General Court, and not to be obligatory unless the whole agree to it.

"A President for preserving order to be chosen by the Commissioners annually out of their number.

"The Commissioners shall have power to establish laws or rules of a civil nature, and of general concern for the conduct of the inhabitants, viz., relating to their behavior toward the Indians, to fugitives from one colony to another, and the like.

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'No colony to engage in war, except upon a sudden exigency, and in that case to be avoided as much as possible, without the consent of the whole.

"If a meeting be summoned upon any extraordinary occasion, and the whole number of Commissioners do not assemble, any four who shall meet may determine upon a war, when the case will not admit of a delay, and send for the proportion of men agreed upon out of each jurisdiction, but not less than six shall determine the justice of the war, or have power to settle bills of exchange, or make levies for the same.

* See Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 124.