ment. Its wisdom or its prudence might be questioned, its integrity never. However strong local prejudice might be, or however the judgment of the legislature, or the ability of the provin cial courts might be doubted, every right-minded person considered this surveillance as his greatest security. England was regarded as the fountain of justice, as it had ever been of considerate kindness and unbounded liberality. It was in truth and in fact a paternal authority, postponing or sacrificing its own convenience and undoubted rights, to the wishes, the feelings, and the happiness of her children. The ingratitude or insolence that questioned this notorious benevolence, is only equaled by the utter want of principle in the London revolutionary press, that gave currency to the accusation; and the credulity or wickedness of the Radical leaders, who affected to believe it, to damage the Tories, who, whatever may have been their defects, were a true-hearted British party. They may have been profuse of the public money, but they lived in the days of extravagance; they may have been obstinate, for principle is worthy of a stout defense, and, they may, like their successors, have conferred honors on their own countrymen, in utter forgetfulness of colonists; but they were Englishmen, and had no greater share of national vanity than is common in the people of Great Britain. But whatever they were, they were honest. They preferred experience to experiment, and were not willing to peril their country or barter their rights for popularity. This surveillance is now merely nominal; the form is preserved, but the substance is gone forever. When an appeal is made, the answer is uniform: "You have responsible government, we can not interfere. It is a local matter; you must settle it yourselves."

The guar

This great constitutional check, therefore, is gone. antee of England, that no local injustice shall be done no longer exists, and Canada is ruled by the Assembly. The governor there is not a person but a name, having as little meaning, force, or power as his title of "Excellency." The Upper House is a section of the Lower, from whence it derives its being, and to which it owes obedience. If this be not voluntarily given, it can be coerced into submission. The restraint imposed by the kind, wise, and paternal superintendence of England is withdrawn ; and instead of a colonial government belonging to a monarchy, based on principles of internal freedom and external dependence,

there is an unchecked and unmitigated democracy, that could not fail to excite the admiration of a chartist or a hero of the barricades. That such a state of things was never contemplated by those who introduced responsible government, it is but common justice to them to suppose, but the navigation of an unknown sea is always attended with danger, and the ship of state is now environed on every side with sunken rocks, that are but ill-concealed from view, even in the calmer weather. The self-elected reformers of the trading towns of England and Scotland, with that spirit of speculation that peculiarly belongs to the owners of vessels, are loud in their demands to abandon her for a total loss, but honest men must lighten her of her load of democracy, repair her, and having once more got her into deep water, navigate her with cautious vigilance.

It is clear that one of two things must be done; either the former checks, so incautiously removed, must be at once restored, or further concessions made to invest the different branches of the Legislature with independent action. Either too much has been done or too little. To retrace one's steps is humiliating as well as difficult. The pride of man revolts at an acknowledgment of error or ignorance; and power, when once parted with, is not easily recovered. Progression is safer, and more agreeable. To give due weight and influence to the Upper House, its members must not receive their appointment from a political leader, but directly from the Crown or from the people. If it must be from the latter, then since they are to represent the upper class of society in the province, let that class select them. Make the property-qualification of the elector so considerable, as to insure the exercise of discretion and judgment in the electors; and to impart character, stability, and authority to the members, let the property-qualification of the candidate be still higher than that of the voter, and let the term of service be not less than ten years at least. Restore to the queen's representative some of his authority, and assign to him some duties to perform; and suffer him to be in reality, what he now nominally is, the gov ernor. Such an arrangement would elevate the whole character of the Legislature, and acquire for it the respect and obedience of the whole people; thus each branch of the provincial Parliament would be independent in its action.

There is, in every country where constitutional government

prevails, and ever will be, a minority more or less numerous and powerful, according to circumstances. This body, whether liberal or conservative, English or French, Protestant or Romanist, is entitled, in common justice, to protection. At present they are at the mercy of an adverse political opponent, and they have no means of redress. If they appeal to England, the reply is, You have responsible government. If to the queen's representative, he shrugs his shoulders and says: "What can I do?" If to the Council, they are informed that they entirely concur with the Ministry, who have a large majority in their body. Cut off from all redress, and baffled in all their attempts to obtain a hearing, if in the bitterness of their hearts, when they reflect that their forefathers left their homes and their fortunes to follow the flag of their king into a foreign land, and that they themselves have periled their lives and properties in suppressing rebellions in the country of their adoption, without even the thanks of Parliament, when honors and rewards were bestowed on the military for merely doing their duty; if, when goaded into excitement by what they conceive unmerited injury, they talk of annexation and independence, they are told that their language and conduct is treasonable, and are forthwith ejected from their command in the militia, and from the commission of the peace. I am not their advocate, nor do I even assert that their complaints are well or ill founded; it is sufficient that they complain, and abundant secuity can, and ought to be given them, that they shall have all the weight to which they are entitled. One remedy, the most efficient and the best, lies in a total transfer of patronage to other hands, which, while it can not fail to satisfy them, will be an infinite improvement in colonial government, and insure to the community a far better and more respectable class of public offi

cers.

No man whatever ought to be intrusted with the disposal of all the offices in a colony. It is too great a power, too liable to abuse, and never was, and never can be so exercised as to avoid the imputation of partiality or corrupt motives. If it must be committed to any one, it can nowhere be so safely lodged as in the hands of a governor, responsible to the Crown. He is generally a man of rank and honor, and always unembarrassed by family connections, personal feelings, or local prejudices. He can have but one object in view, which, if not founded on the higher

P

principles of duty, is well secured by a regard for his own character and the success of his administration; and that object is a faithful and honest discharge of the trust reposed in him. But even he may be biased by those by whom he is surrounded, who have more facilities of access to him than others; and the purerminded a man is himself, the more difficult is it for him even to suppose the possibility of deception being practiced upon him. But in a country like Canada, whose political leaders are the mere emanations of democracy, it is impossible to select so unfit a depository of power as the premier. He will inevitably use it to pay for past or purchase future services; he has personal friendship to gratify, or private insult to avenge. The exigencies of party will preponderate over the claims of justice, and the character of the public servants must in time be greatly deteriorated. To remedy this evil, to protect the minority, to secure the people from peculations and the court from pollution, it will be necessary to re-invest the governor with the patronage, subject to the approbation of the Upper House, and place it under similar guards and restraints (by requiring the consent and concurrence of the Council to his nomination to certain offices) as are imposed upon the President of the United States by the admirable institutions of that country, which are so simple in their operation, and yet so safe, from the numerous checks and balances they contain. That this system of self-government could be so modified as to work advantageously, there can be no doubt; but real substantial responsibility must be both devised and increased. One thing, however, is certain-this change can only be effected by Parliament. The Canadian politicians have tasted the sweets of despotism, and they will not limit or diminish their own power. But here I must pause, and adopting the advice given by Horace* to a friend similarly employed, bring this sketch to a conclusion.

CHAPTER VII.

APPLICATION OF THE FACTS CONTAINED IN THIS WORK.

Value of the preceding History to Members of Parliament and the Republican Party in Europe-The Question considered whether a Republican Govern. ment, like that of America, can exist in England or France: Firstly, with Reference to the History of the first Attempt at Colonization, and herein of the Condition of America at the Time-The People who made the Experiment of Settling at Massachusetts-Their Peculiarities-No pre-existing Monarchy, Hierarchy, or Nobility to contend with-Settlers not a Military People-No Mobs-Monarchy the oldest and most natural form of Government in the World-Laws passed to regulate the Price of Labor-Massachusetts was a Federative Body in Miniature. Secondly, with Reference to the Period of the Adoption of the Federal Constitution, and herein of general Predisposition to Rebellion-Immediate Cause of Revolution-The large Republic possesses all the Features of the first: 1st. The same vast Territoy; 2d. People of one common Origin and Language; 3d. No pre-existing Monarchical Institutions; 4th. No powerful Neighbors; 5th. No Poor; 6th. Important Additions or Changes; 7th. Universal Toleration, in consequence of which there is Danger of Romish Ascendency-Growth of Sectarianism and infinite Dissent-American Episcopalian Church, its Character, Conduct, and Growth-Republicanism favorable to Spread of Popery-The Error of the Jesuits in judging of it-State of Popery in purely Roman Catholic Countries, and where Protestantism prevails-Permanent Provision for President and Judges-High Character of the Supreme Court of the United States-American Mode of selecting Judges recommended for Colonies-Difference in Power of English and American Judges. Thirdly, Reasons why a Republic can not be successful in England -Effects of Monarchy on Society. Fourthly, Reasons why it can not exist in France-Effect of first Revolution in France-Restoration-Return of Nobles, Clergy, and Gentry-Actions of Bonaparte-Final Expulsion of the Bourbons-Louis Phillipe's Conduct-Abdication-"La Petite Eglise"Puritanism and Infidelity compared-They produce similar Effects-Romanism in France and in the United States compared-Extraordinary Influence possessed by the Popish Clergy-Poverty of agricultural Classes in FranceProper Size of Farms-Superiority of two Legislative Chambers over a single Assembly-Downward tendency of Democracy in France-Difference be tween Anglo-Saxon and Gallican Races illustrated by California-Americans could not retain their Institutions if France were evacuated for them, nor could the French, if possessed of America and its Institutions, work the Machinery or govern it successfully-Only sure Basis of any Government.

THE foregoing chapters contain a mass of facts most useful for those who have a voice in the government of the colonies of Great Britain. They portray the history, condition, and fate of provinces planted by disaffected emigrants, in which the Church was una