must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politicks, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one People, under an efficient Government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may, at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent Nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose Peace or War, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to publick than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable Establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all Nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our Merchants, and to enable the Government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one Nation to look for disinterested favours from another; that it must pay, with a portion of its independence, for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater errour than to expect or calculate upon real favours from Nation to Nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old an affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our Nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of Nations: But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then

recur, to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude of your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the publick records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have, at least, believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary, on this occasion, to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligations which justice and humanity impose on every Nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other Nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been, to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional errour, I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errours. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness, in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free Government-the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers. Go. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, 17th September, 1796.

18

LETTER OF WASHINGTON ACCEPTING THE COMMAND OF THE AMERICAN ARMY.

Mount Vernon, July 13, 1798. DEAR SIR: I had the honour, on the evening of the 11th instant, to receive from the hand of the Secretary of War, your favour of the 7th, announcing that you had, with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed me "Lieu"tenant General and Commander-in-Chief of all Armies "raised, or to be raised, for the service of the United "States.'

I cannot express how greatly affected I am at this new proof of publick confidence, and the highly flattering manner in which you have been pleased to make the communication; at the same time, I must not conceal from you my earnest wish, that the choice had fallen upon a man less declined in years, and better qualified to encounter the usual vicissitudes of war.

You know, sir, what calculation I had made relative to the probable course of events, on my retiring from office, and the determination I had consoled myself with, of closing the remnant of my days in my present peaceful abode ; you will, therefore, be at no loss to conceive and appreciate the sensations I must have experienced, to bring my mind to any conclusion, that would pledge me, at so late a period of life, to leave scenes I sincerely love, to enter upon the boundless field of publick action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility.

It was not possible for me to remain ignorant of, or indifferent to, recent transactions.

The conduct of the Directory of France towards our country; their insidious hostility to its government; their various practices to withdraw the affections of the people from it; the evident tendency of their acts, and those of their agents, to countenance and invigorate opposition; their disregard of solemn treaties and the laws of Nations; their war upon our defenceless commerce; their treatment of our ministers of peace, and their demands, amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in me corresponding sentiments, with those my countrymen have so generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you. Believe me, sir, no one can more cordially approve of the wise and prudent measures of your admininistration. They ought to inspire universal confidence, and will, no doubt, combined with the state of things, call from Congress such laws and means as will enable you to meet the full force and extent of the crisis.

Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and endeavoured to avert war, and exhausted, to the last drop, the cup of reconciliation, we can with pure hearts appeal to Heaven for the justice of our cause; and may confidently trust the final result to that kind Providence who has heretofore, and so often, signally favoured the People of these United States.

Thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent it is upon every person, of every description, to contribute at all times to his country's welfare, especially, in a moment like the present, when every thing we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threatened; I have finally determined to accept the Commission of Commander-in-Chief of the Armies of the United States, with this reserve only; that I shall not be called into the field until the Army is in a situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances.

JOHN ADAMS,

President of the United States.

EULOGIUM

On the character of General WASHINGTON, late President of the United States: Pronounced at the request of the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati, before the President of the United States, and the Members of both Houses of Congress; on the twenty-second day of February, eighteen hundred, in the German Reformed Church, Philadelphia. By Major William Jackson, Aid-de-Camp to the late President of the United States, and Secretary-General of the Cincinnati.

To consecrate the memory of illustrious men, to record their actions, and to celebrate their praise, has been the laudable practise of every age, and the grateful duty of every people.

The rudest Nations have thus dispensed the reward and the motives of virtue, while the arts and sciences of polished society have contributed their noblest efforts to this, their best and highest application.

Conforming to this venerable usuge, and influenced by all the nobler affections, the veteran associates of the immortal WASHINGTON have dedicated this auspicious day to the review of his glorious achievements, and the celebration of his unrivalled fame.

But their too partial choice has devolved on incompetent powers, the performance of that duty, to which the highest order of genius would have been unequal.

Who shall delineate a faithful portrait of that character, which was perfect in all its relations-or in what language shall the story of that life be told, whose every action was above all praise?

To confer the just meed of eulogium on this inestimable character-to entwine the blended glories of the Hero and the Statesman-with them to mingle the milder radiance of religion and morals, would require an inspiration, not only of those sentiments, which pervade every class of men in this extensive Nation-but of those opinions, which his unequalled worth has impressed throughout the world:

The sentiments and opinions of Legislators, to whose labours and honours he was associated by all that was useful and diguified.

Of Armies, to whom he was endeared by every obligation of gratitude and glory.

Of a People, by whom he was regarded as their Father, Guide, and Protector.

Of his Enemies in War, by whom he was at once dreaded and revered.

Of the Wise and Just of all Nations, of whom he was the ornament and the example.

In contemplating this appropriate subdivision of the panegyrick, which I am called to pronounce, this most respectable audience will be led to indulge a candour, proportioned to the magnitude of the subject, and the powers of the organ, to whom the arduous duty has been confided. The suffrages, perhaps the prejudices of mankind, have concurred in assigning to the profession of arms, the first station in the ranks of glory.

On the present occasion, however, the decision is of no importance.

The Hero, whom we now commemorate, was alike preeminent in council, and in the field-the olive and the laurel had equally contributed their honours to form the chaplet of his renown.

It is only, therefore, in the order of his distinguished services, that our attention is first attracted to his military

career.

Nor is it the less interesting, that the first display of his brilliant genius in war, should have been made in concert with the troops of that Nation, whose banners he was hereafter to brave-and whose legions he was destined to encounter in the defence of his country, and in the maintenance of her freedom and independence.

Equally interesting is the singular fact, that a parent's fond solicitude had been the happy instrument of preserving him to that country, and to the high destination of his future honours-for, impelled by the martial disposition of his mind, he was about to engage in the Naval Service of Great Britain at the infant age of fifteen years. But, restrained by filial affection, he yielded to the anxious entreaties of his mother, and relinquished the object of his choice. Who does not bless the memory of this tender Mother? Who does not reverence the piety of her exalted Son?

Thus was the stupendous fabrick of his fame placed on the everlasting basis of virtue-and thus were the immense advantages, which flowed to his country, derived from the purest source of a private duty.

Summoned to the lists of glory at an age, when talents are unaided by experience, and when the ardour of youth is but little tempered by the rules of prudence, he formed, in his first essay in arms, a rare example of the most heroick valour, combined with the most consummate skill.

The one was exerted to stem the torrent of victory obtained by a vindictive foe-the other was employed to rescue from ruin the devoted remnant of an unfortunate army.

Admiring veterans resigned to the youthful warriour the protection of their discomfited Troops, and to his superiour judgement the conduct of a retreat, which covered him with glory, and wreathed his brow with the laurel of suc

cess.

The brave, but unhappy, Braddock expired in the anguish of defeat-the gallant and sympathizing WASHINGTON was consoled by the safety and honoured with the applause of his surviving friends.

The high promise, which was here given, of a vast capacity for war, was nobly realized in the command and guidance of those armies, by whose active valour and ininflexible fortitude, the liberty and sovereignty of the United States were maintained and established.

In that eventful moment, when representation and re

monstrance had been exhausted-when the alternative of resistance alone remained to an injured people-when every hazard was preferred to abject submission-and when that people had resolved to meet their Parent State in arms— to whose care was the palladium of their liberties entrusted? On whom did the unanimous choice of their enlightened Representatives devolve the dangerous honour of conducting this last, this dread appeal?

To the virtue, to the wisdom, to the valour, and the fortitude of your immortal WASHINGTON! To the Hero, who was at once the sword and buckler of his country, was the momentous trust confided.

To him was assigned the defence of our hearths and our altars the protection of our women and children—and the preservation of all that was dear to freemen-our National Honour.

How well, how faithfully, the sacred trust was discharged, let the splendid and important scenes of seven years' conflict proclaim to an admiring world!

Impressed by a perfect sense of the high responsibility attached to his exalted station-and conscious of the preeminence in toil and danger, to which he was called, he yielded implicit obedience to the summons-and, resigning the utmost enjoyment of domestick felicity, he was solely devoted to those duties, which involved the safety and happiness of his country.

Repairing to the immediate theatre of military operation, in the vicinity of Boston, he instantly communicated to the patriotick bands of New-England, that spirit of confidence, which was the result of his presence, and that observance of order, which was essential to effective force.

The extraordinary spectacle was exhibited, of a veteran army invested by the hasty levies of a people, whom it had been sent to coerce, and of that army indignantly expelled the land, which it had been commissioned to subdue.

This great event, which was, to some, the termination of their toil, and the period of their danger, was, to him, but the renewal of equal labours, the commencement of more anxious cares.

The invading army strengthened by a vast accession of force, and supported by a powerful marine, resumed its operations and, under leaders of distinguished bravery and talents, extended its menace to the entire subjugation of our country.

Success, correspondent to these immense preparations, was, for a season, obtained.

The firm, but unavailing, efforts of our intrepid Chief were restrained to defensive measures. Yet the hopes of America were reposed on that skilful policy, which he adopted to protract the war-and on that consummate prudence, by which he gave to defence the highest advantages of which it was susceptible.

The retreat from Long-Island, which excited the astonishment, and extorted the praise of his enemy, will pass to posterity as a consummation in the Art of War.

While the victorious enterprise of Trenton, and the successful attack at Princeton, will be commemorated as the restoration of publick confidence, and the rescue of our declining cause.

Where is the war-worn Soldier, whose ebbing pulse does not beat high at these remembrances?

Where is the emulous and gallant youth, who does not thence anticipate his own achievements in his country's cause?

Advancing to meet the incursion of a powerful army, he encountered their force at the Brandywine-where his gallant Troops, though confident in the conduct, and animated by the example of their Heroick Leader, were compelled to resign to discipline and numbers, the hard won honours of the field.

Repulsed, but not dismayed, he was soon in a capacity to resume the offensive-and deeply impressing the energies of his character, and displaying the vast resources of his mind, in the battle of Germantown, he unnerved the plans of subjugation, and invigorated the hopes of his country!

The movements of the main army of the enemy were arrested by the formidable position, which was occupied by our skilful Chief-and their further attempts were limited to the partial operation of detachments.

In assaulting the intrenched post at Red Bank, the German auxiliary troops, led by the gallant Donop, were repulsed with dreadful slaughter, and their wounded leader was left a prisoner on the field.

The godlike WASHINGTON despatched from his camp an Officer to assure him of his personal concern, and to offer every attention, which his situation might require—he was even charged with the care of his removal, if it should be desired, within the British lines.

The profound sensibility of the hostile chief was expressed in the following message:

"Convey, sir, to General WASHINGTON, the deep im"pression of my gratitude; my situation admits not, at this "time, of a personal acknowledgement; but the first mo"ments of my recovery, should such be the will of Hea"ven, shall be devoted to place before him the homage of "my heart."

duct, by which the operations of our armies were directed, and the hopes of our country were completely realized. It is with regret, as it is of necessity, that I pass, in summary relation, the judicious instructions issued to subordinate commands and detachments--the unremitting exertions by which the organization and discipline of a new-formed army were effected-the anxious cares, by which that army was supplied-the sublime influence by which it was continued in active service, through the rigour of the most inclement seasons, and under the pressure of discouragement, which the mind shudders to review.

On these topicks the delighted historian will dilate with increasing praise—and instructed posterity dwell with gratitude and pride.

At the approach of peace an occasion arose, in which the best faculties of his superiour mind were summoned to their utmost exertion-and in which the sensibilities of his heart were to meet in strong collision with the dictates of his judgement, and a paramount sense of publick duty.

That Army, by whose unshaken fidelity, and invincible fortitude, the glory and fortunes of America had been upheld, in all the vicissitudes of the War, was on the eve of dispersion.

Those faithful comrades in honour and misfortune, were to separate forever, under the most afflicting circumstances of individual adversity.

To their country they had secured the blessings of peace and the boon of independence-and to every class of their fellow-citizens a full participation in those blessings, enhanced by the enjoyment of that property, which, in their protected avocations, they had been enabled to preserve or to acquire.

To the disbanded veteran, in the decline of life, was

What powers of eulogy shall reach the pathos of such praise?

The British army, alarmed for its safety in an untenable position, prepared to concentrate its force, and to reoccupy the post of New-York.

The strenuous efforts of the American Chief to engage a battle, and intercept their retreat, were rendered abortive by an errour in the conduct of a subordinate attack, at the Plains of Monmouth, which enabled the British General to accomplish his purpose.

Passing to the last scene of our military drama, we are called to contemplate, on this great occasion, the vast and various powers, by which the Hero of our country was distinguished.

Genius to conceive-wisdom to combine-prudence to conceal-judgement to direct and valour to execute a plan of operations, the most important in its consequences, which the Annals of War can furnish, were eminently exemplified in the whole train of measures, by which the investment and capture of the British army, at Yorktown, were formed and achieved.

The limits of this Discourse do not admit a recital, which would include the varied incidents of the Revolutionary War.

Compelled to abridge even the enumeration of events, I have only endeavoured to give to the most prominent points of action, distinguished by the presence of our gallant Chief, such illustration as might mark the progress of the contest, and tend to designate the wisdom and vigour of that con

vated, in many instances, by wounds and inability to labour —his honour and his arms, "the instruments of his glory," were all that he possessed.

Maimed, and mutilated by honourable scars, he was become a stranger in the place of his nativity-and he was no longer remembered by the companions of his early years, His long-left home was in the occupancy of another, and his future abode was only certain to be wretched.

While oppressed by these sensations, and assailed by the angry passions, which their situation excited, the Army were invited, by every consideration, which the most seductive persuasion could suggest, to redress their wrongs, and resent the alleged ingratitude of their country.

Argument and eloquence were exhausted to effect the adoption of this fatal advice.

To counteract the dangerous measure to preserve inviolate the honour of his Troops, and the safety of his country, the wisdom and firmness of the virtuous WASHINGTON were immediately interposed.

With his heart wrung by the sufferings of the Armywith his mind deeply affected by the counsel, which had been offered to remedy their grievances-conscious of their merits, and no less sensible to the inability of the country to fulfil its stipulations-he convened his Officers-and presenting himself as a mediator between the distresses of the Troops, and the publick incapacity, at that time, to relieve them-he addressed himself to their judgement, their ho nour, and their patriotism.

His opinions, framed on the irresistible conclusions of truth, and urged with all the force of reason and sentiment,

were instantly adopted—and the sublime spectacle was exhibited, of " an Army victorious over its enemy, victorious over itself."

In the last exercise of his military functions, the social interests of his country engaged his benevolent attention, and a solicitude to promote her political prosperity, employed the reflections of his patriotick mind.

Addressing to the Executive of the several States an affectionate farewell, he unfolded to their view the matured lessons of experience, in a system of advice, eminently calculated to advance the happiness of their constituents-and worthy to be transmitted, in indelible characters, to distant posterity.

Thus was the splendid structure of his military character completed-and thus was reared, to the glory of confederated America, an ever enduring monument of the purest patriotism, and the most important publick services.

The rights of his country maintained-her independence acknowledged the complaints of his meritorious, suffering Army appeased-and his high trust, in all its relations, sacredly fulfilled, he appeared before the great Council of the Nation, to claim the indulgence of retirement, and to resign the authority, with which he had been invested.

A more august scene has never been displayed. The triumph of virtue and freedom was complete. He retired, amid the blessings and applause of grateful millions, to the shade of private life, and to the enjoyment of that domestick felicity, from which, during eight years of anxiety, toil, and danger, he had been detained by an abstracted devotion to publick duty.

However desirous to call your attention to the useful, the virtuous, and exemplary tenour of his private life—yet the rapid succession of publick events, which scarcely permitted him to repose from the toils of war, obliges me to refer this interesting topick to a subsequent part of the discourse.

The voice of his country, to which he was ever obedient, was again raised to call him from his tranquil and happy retirement.

That frame of government, which in a period of danger, and under the pressure of foreign hostility had been sufficient to consolidate the interests, and to educe the resources of the United States, was found incompetent, in the relaxation of peace, and fancied security, to control those objects of national concern, which were essential to the safety and happiness of the American People.

The fair prospect of our rising Empire was obscured-the failure of our national engagements-the dissolution of our Union-the consequent evils of rivalry-and the eventual horrours of war, were all impending.

The crisis was alarming beyond expression, and required an immediate interposition of the most patriotick exertions to avert the threatened calamities.

In the delegated wisdom and patriotism of the several States, the sage and virtuous WASHINGTON was again distinguished, and again pre-eminent.

Elected by an unanimous suffrage, to preside over those deliberations, on which the fate of a mighty Nation, and the felicity of millions were suspended, the dignity of his character, and the influence of his example, gave to the discussion, of different interests, a spirit of conciliation, which resulted in the noblest concessions-and an impression of national deference, in which subordinate considerations were merged and extinguished.

Yes, my fellow-citizens, to his accurate perception of

our several interests, to his just construction of what was required to reconcile them-no less than to his skill and valour in the day of battle, are we indebted for a large portion of our national harmony, and social happiness.

It is not in language to appreciate, with just estimation, the advantages, which, on this great emergency, were derived to his country, from the mild dignity of his manner, and the harmonizing character of his deportment.

In them was personified that accommodation which the crisis demanded, and which the great instrument of our national safety, most happily, proclaims in all its provisions.

On the adoption of this auspicious substitute to our imperfect Confederation-when the voice of United America was to designate the most deserving citizen, to administer the important duties of the Executive Department-the choice was conformed to the gratitude of the Nation, and to the high desert of her most beloved, and most respected Patriot.

The illustrious WASHINGTON was, again, the object of undivided esteem, and the depository of the publick confidence.

To him, as to an unerring guide, were committed the difficult and delicate arrangements of a new formed Government, co-extensive with the limits, and embracing the various interests of "our wide-spreading Empire."

Renouncing the pleasures and the elegancies of his chosen retreat, he consented to embark the rich treasure of his fame on an untried element-and, solely actuated by the will of his country, he resigned to her wishes the evening of that life, whose morn and meridian had been devoted to her service.

To trace the merits of his civil administration-to remark the judgement and impartiality with which its most delicate duties were discharged-to observe the unwearied investigation, on which his judicious selection to office was grounded-to review those opinions, which were submitted, for co-operation, to the other branches of Government—to notice the scrupulous delicacy, with which he abstained from encroachment on the province of their authority— while he maintained, with undeviating firmness, the powers which the Constitution had exclusively assigned to the Executive organ, would far exceed the limits of an eulogium.

They are classed in the highest order of precedents, and are most usefully referred to the historical amplification of his instructive life.

The immediate effects of so much virtue, wisdom, and exertion, were obvious to the most superficial observer. Under the auspices of that Government, which the weight of his opinions had so largely contributed to frame, and to establish, and under the happy influence of such an administration of its provisions, the prosperity of our country was advanced beyond the most sanguine expectations of patri

otism.

Hope and happiness were substituted for gloom and misfortune and national respect succeeded to national degradation.

The labour of the husbandman, the industry of the mechanick, the enterprise of the merchant, were all protected and rewarded.

The surplus products of our soil were exchanged in profitable barter-the busy hum of men was again heard in our deserted harbours-and the canvass of our commerce was spread to every gale.